Black and Ashamed
113
remains ixed in the strict binarism of the white gaze and powerlessly
consigned to its normative regimes of subject constitution.
Having no ield for disclosure in the racialized metaphysics of power
relations that dominates Ellison’s world, any slippage of identity over
and beyond its hegemonic articulations carries an affective cost for the
black subject, a “psychic uncertainty” in Ellison’s terms, that “he yearns
to avoid.”
7
This cost, that I will argue acquires its most signiicant tenor
when considered within
the economy of racial shame, is what breaks
open a third, heterotopic space characterized by invisibility in the novel.
For Ellison, shame is irremissibly tied to the normative violence of the
white disavowal and what he consequently calls “the pathologies of the
democratic process”
8
that plot the painful narratives of black America.
Emancipation that, like a stab of epiphany inally descends on the narra-
tor towards the end of the novel, represents not only a metaphoric escape
of subjectivity from the tightening embrace of
objective racial binaries
that trace the limits of black lives, but it also constitutes an afirmation
of fragmented social identities that slip through the totalizing assigna-
tions of their subject positions. The “cost of insight,” as Ellison observes
when considering the politics of difference as the watershed of American
experience, “is an uncertainty that threatens our already unstable sense
of order and requires a constant questioning of accepted assumptions.”
9
In light of this, I intend to consider the implications
of racial shame for
the theoretical strategies that map out the underlying syntax of subject
formation in its relation to power and further develop its signiicance
for our reading of invisibility in Ellison’s novel. Although not explicitly
concerned with shame, Foucault’s structuralist analytic of power and
its normalizing regimes that participate in subject formation imply a
coextensive terrain of affective structures
through which the normative
spatialities that regulate our social existence are maintained. Subject for-
mation,
for Foucault, is an effect of disciplinary procedures tied to the
“totalization of modern power structures”
10
and their individualizing
strategies that reduce and subject our multiplicities to uniied regimes
of identiication. It is a cornering of my differences and a binding of my
attachments to an identity that
I cannot and yet must assume, since it
constitutes the sign and cipher of my social visibility. The word “subject”
articulates subjection in two ways, according to Foucault: “subject to
someone else by control or dependence,
and tied to his own identity by
a conscience or self-knowledge
. Both meanings suggest a form of power
which subjugates and makes subject to.”
11
Although ostensibly
exclusive
in terms of heteronomy/autonomy of the subject formation, the expe-
rience of racial shame integrates both signiications of subjection in a
temporal order where the white disavowal imposed as extrinsic to black
identity is interiorized and exposed as intrinsic to its constitution. Racial
shame could thus be seen as an affective hinge that enables the articula-
tion of the objective structures of power by the subjects themselves. As
114
Zlatan Filipovic
the
elision of outside and inside, the becoming of outside inside or the
inside outside, the affective experience of shame makes the structures
of disavowal immanent to the social terrain. Through racial shame,
black lives are thus authored for from within, fatally “tied to [their] own
identity by a conscience or self-knowledge.”
12
However, the process of subjectivization does not disable agency. As
Aurelia Armstrong suggests, the possibility of resistance in Foucault “is
grounded in an agency that precedes disciplinarity and can never be
fully colonized by it.”
13
Power,
as Foucault maintains, is founded on
the irrepressibility of freedom and its continuous “refusal to submit,”
14
the fact that ‘“the other’ (the one over whom power is exercised) be
thoroughly recognized and maintained to the very end as a person who
acts.”
15
Power only emerges against the depths of the other’s resistance,
in a relation of force that deines the vitalism of its oppression. “At the
very heart of the power relationship, and constantly provoking it, are the
recalcitrance of the will and the intransigence of freedom.”
16
And yet,
the “will” of the other, for Foucault, is considered
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