Blake Invitational 1 Kamiak nb aff

26 (39) Evanston ED Aff

https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/Evanston/Davis+Aff

Aff Race w/ Abolition

The role of the ballot is to endorse the debater with the best strategy for abolition. By abolition, I mean movement towards the end of the world.

2 reasons:

1. The schooling regime is inextricably tethered to the prison regime—debate is a space in which genocide and ontological violence reproduces itself on the grounds of the student willingness to this accept violence as opposed to reject it. Rodriguez calls these practices genocide management. Thus, the role of the judge is to betray discussions of genocide management in favor of a praxis of genocide abolition.

Rodriguez 10

Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an abolitionist one. To live and work, learn...audacity.

2. Abolition grounds justice, morality, and value in a genealogy of material violence. Only a constant reflection on the ethical implications of sociological and political situations can center a praxis that addresses real instances of violence and rejects the violence of illogical abstraction.

McLeod 15

An abolitionist response to this retributivist account centers not only on the above sketch of justice in a...political economic conditions within which inequality persists in the world.

Contention 1 is entrapment

Plea bargaining inculcates a form of procedural entrapment. The need to self-incriminate and forfeit rights under threat of increased time is wound up in a grammar of racial domination that continuously affirms the suffering of the oppressed.

Heiner 16

The systematic practice of plea bargaining, I submit, functions massively and predo- minantly as a form...prosecutors, and functions analogously to subordinate, entrap and confine people of color.82

Procedural entrapment is the primary condition for the reproduction of racial/gendered violence—Trans entrapment is the product of gendered and racialized policing that targets trans bodies. This rhetoric of exclusion necessarily feeds and maintains the criminal justice system.

Oparah 12

At the Transforming Justice conference described above, formerly incarcerated transwomen screened videojournals of their lives featuring a collage of photographs, documents and memories from...and prisons, these youth experience new institutionalized, and particularly violent, forms of gender policing.

At its core, the entrapment of the political justice system is premised on the negation of black trans being. Specifically, the ontology of the world is only sustained through its disidentification with the impossibility of the trans black body.

Hayward 17

“Don’t exist” is an imperative, a sanctioned foreclosure. “Don’t exist” is not “nothingness”—the social death Eric Stanley so ardently articulates as queer (2011)—not...human” as white beingness, might we ask: is being- ness the problem, rather than the solution, for addressing antitrans violence?

CONTENTION TWO IS CRASHING THE SYSTEM

Thus, I affirm that plea bargaining ought to be abolished in the United States Criminal Justice System.

The abolition of plea bargaining would crash the system. This would unravel the material arrangements of transphobic and antiblack violence as they exist within the justice system.

Alexander 12

On the phone, Susan said she knew exactly what was involved in asking people who have been charged with crimes to reject plea bargains, and press for trial...not the case. So maybe, just maybe, if we truly want to end this system, some of us will have to risk our lives.”

Abolition is a praxis that embraces the impossible task of ending the criminal justice system. This is a means of articulating and welcoming the impossibility of black trans being and therefore moves towards the end of the world as we know it.

Stanley 11

This stuff is heavy, we realize. Our communities and our movements are up against tremendous odds and have...all life on this planet, without exception. It is to begin spealdng what we have not yet had the words to wish for.

Abolition affirms a radicality that is initially just a move to destroy. This destruction serves to uproot a progressive politics that relies on the coherence of political objectives, and instead utilizes an antipolitical method of demolition. Only a gesture that embraces incoherence and unplacability can articulate black trans ontology.

Sexton 14

‘The modern world owes its very existence to slavery’ (Grandin, 2014a).24 What could this impossible debt...selfless existence.

26 (39) Evanston ED Neg

https://hsld.debatecoaches.org/Evanston/Davis+Neg

K Race (Black Trans Pessimism)

The 1AC engages on a symbolic system steeped in violence. Their attempts at coherent representation and/or material change evade the originating metaphors of captivity and the total objectification of the flesh.

Spillers 87:

“These undecipherable markings on the captive body render a kind of hieroglyphics...concede, at the very least, that sticks and bricks might break our bones, but words will most certainly kill us.”

The use of humanism is premised on the non-being of the black woman. Their (universal theorizing, account of oppression, triumphant progress narrative) all reproduce black woman as unspeakable and impossible. This argument is about the erasure of black women, and also their reliance on a humanism which makes that erasure inevitable.

Spillers 03:

“My own interpretation of the historical narrative concerning the lives of black American women‘s accords with Hernton’s: Their enslavement relegated them to the marketplace of the...“minorities,” “blacks” and “other.””

Their conceptual investment in being requires trans-non existence. Their (empiricism, positivism, description, coherence) strengthens the matrix of gratuitous violence forged into the non-existence of black trans-women. This argument is about the erasure of black trans-women, and also how their ontological assumptions further erasure.

Hayward 17

“Don’t exist” is an imperative, a sanctioned foreclosure. “Don’t exist” is not “nothingness”—the social death Eric Stanley so ardently articulates as queer (2011)...antitrans violence?

The alternative is to reject the affirmative through a black trans procedure. Black trans offers as a speculative function that unravels ontological humanism.

Warren 17:

Within this context, “black trans” serves a speculative function, in that it foregrounds the gap between black...overcome tranifestation and its seductions—even as the philosophical structure of tranifestation beautifully explains the mechanism by which the human creates ontologically.

The role of the ballot is to endorse whoever best contributes to a grammar of violence. We need a language for which to understand anti-blackness as a PRECONDITION for devising political strategy and forming public argument. (Material and political framing of the 1AC cannot address symbolic capture. It only erases the unresolvability and inexpressibility of non-being.)

Sexton 10:

“The latter task – the trencant interrogation of racial blackness and/in the formulations of modernity and its leitmotif of freedom – was advanced immeasurably by Professors Lindo...performance arts more generally (Barrett 1999;”

A grammatical focus is key because present abolitionist praxes must be primarily pedagogical. Pragmatism, liberalism, and reformism have made liberationist dreams unspeakable. We need room to articulate abolition in spaces like these. This means the role of the judge betray genocide management and embrace a fundamental epistemic disorientation.

Rodriguez 10

Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an abolitionist one. To live and...exploitation), is significantly dependent on our willing- ness to embrace this form of pedagogical audacity.

CASE

Their politics of hope places a conceptual investment in the metaphysical structures that sustain black suffering—the language of hope in political action is a project to continue the settlement as opposed to destroy it.

Warren 15:

“Throughout this essay, I have argued that the Politics of hope preserve metaphysical structures that...sustain itself. Black nihilism attempts to break this “drive”—to stop it in its tracks, as it were—and to end the cycle of insanity that political hope perpetuates.”

V2

1 OFF K

The 1AC engages on a symbolic system steeped in violence. Their attempts at coherent representation and/or material change evade the originating metaphors of captivity and the total objectification of the flesh.

Spillers 87:

“These undecipherable markings on the captive body render a kind of hieroglyphics...at the very least, that sticks and bricks might break our bones, but words will most certainly kill us.”

The use of humanism is premised on the non-being of the black woman. Their (universal theorizing, account of oppression, triumphant progress narrative) all reproduce black woman as unspeakable and impossible. This argument is about the erasure of black women, and also their reliance on a humanism which makes that erasure inevitable.

Spillers 03:

“My own interpretation of the historical narrative concerning the lives of black American women‘s accords with Hernton’s: Their enslavement relegated them to the marketplace of the flesh...meaning, wherein there are only “women” and “minorities,” “blacks” and “other.”

Their conceptual investment in being requires trans-non existence. Their (empiricism, positivism, description, coherence) strengthens the matrix of gratuitous violence forged into the non-existence of black trans-women. This argument is about the erasure of black trans-women, and also how their ontological assumptions further erasure.

Hayward 17

“Don’t exist” is an imperative, a sanctioned foreclosure. “Don’t exist” is not “nothingness”—the social death Eric Stanley so ardently articulates as queer (2011)—not...solution, for addressing antitrans violence?

The alternative is to reject the affirmative through a black trans procedure. Black trans offers as a speculative function that unravels ontological humanism.

Warren 17:

Within this context, “black trans” serves a speculative function, in that it foregrounds the gap between black...the mechanism by which the human creates ontologically.

CASE

COUNTER ROB

The role of the ballot is to endorse whoever best contributes to a grammar of violence. We need a language for which to understand anti-blackness as a PRECONDITION for devising political strategy and forming public argument. Fiat is illusory and cannot account for the reality of black trans capture—this is why we need a pre fiat, in round means of talking about these issues.

Sexton 10:

“The latter task – the trencant interrogation of racial blackness and/in the formulations of modernity and its leitmotif of freedom – was advanced immeasurably by Professors Lindon...generally (Barrett 1999;”

A grammatical focus is key because present abolitionist praxes must be primarily pedagogical. Pragmatism, liberalism, and reformism have made liberationist dreams unspeakable. We need room to articulate abolition in spaces like these. This means the role of the judge betray genocide management and embrace a fundamental epistemic disorientation.

Rodriguez 10

Perhaps, then, there is no viable or defensible pedagogical position other than an abolitionist one. To live and work, learn...form of pedagogical audacity.

ADVOCACY TEXT

Their strategy of prison abolition is anti-black. It works from a position of coherence and disavows a program of complete disorder. Prison abolition isn’t the end of the United States or the world, and thus their starting point is epistemically bad. Moreover, the language of oppression manufactures the idea that people are oppressed, which is a temporary condition, rather than captive, which is an ontological position.

Wilderson 03:

“Indeed, it means all those things: a phobogenic object, a past without a heritage, the map...Black antagonisms, simply feeding our frustration.”