[CT]introduction

487 See Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, p. 101.

488 See Welch, Wonders of the Age, p. 166, and Welch, Royal Persian Manuscripts, pl. 30.

489 A Safavid prince of this rank would have worn the tâj-e Haydari. For another example of the fur-trimmed hat typical of Transoxiana, see a double page from the 1545 Nezâmi manuscript executed in Bokhârâ, in B. Gray, ed., The Arts of the Book in Central Asia, 14th-16th Centuries (Paris: Unesco, 1979), pp. 254-55.

490 See Mirzâ Mohammad-Haydar Dughlât, A History of the Moghuls of Central Asia Being the Tarikh-i-Rashidi, ed. N. Elias, trans. E. Denison Ross (reprint; London: Curzon Press and Barnes and Noble, 1972), p. 283.

491 For another example of a similarly drawn seated prince by Âqâ Mirak, see Dickson and Welch, vol. 2, fol. 555.

492 Most of the Fâlnâmé pages have been attributed to Âqâ Mirak by S. C. Welch in Treasures of Islam, nos. 62-65; see also Lowry, Jeweler's Eye, pp. 120-29, and Dickson and Welch, vol. 2, fols. 555, 513, 649.

493 See Dickson and Welch, vol. 2, fol. 555.

494 Ibid., vol. 1, pp. 335-37.

495 See Dickson, "Shah Tahmasb and the Uzbeks," p. 160.

496 See Welch, Royal Persian Manuscripts, pls. 34-48.

497 Welch, Wonders of the Age, no. 65.

498 See ibid., pls. 78, 82-83, 85.

499 Ibid., pp. 158-60.

500 Dust-Mohammad, in his entry on `Abdol-Vahhâb in the Bahrâm Mirzâ Album, considered `Abdol-Vahhâb as superior to other Shirâzi artists and stated that he was known as Khâjé Kâkâ, a typical Shirâzi nickname (Qâzi, Golestân, p. 202). One must then presume that although of Kâshâni origin, `Abdol-Vahhâb had spent some time in Shirâz and was associated with the Shirâz school of painting.

501 For a reproduction, see F. Cagman and Z. Tanindi, Topkapi Palace Museum: Islamic Miniature Painting (Istanbul: A. R. Baskan Guzel Sanatlar Matbaasi, 1979), fig. 34.

502 Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, p. 224.

503 Budâq, Javâherol-akhbâr, p. 111b. Dickson and Welch favor the writings of Mostafâ `Âli Effendi who maintains that `Abdol-`Aziz tutored the shâh (vol. 1, p. 224). However, the writings of Budâq-e Qazvini, followed by Qâzi Ahmad (Qâzi, Golestân, p. 141) and another chronicler by the name of Qotboddin (Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, p. 224), unequivocally state that `Abdol-`Aziz was considered a pupil of the shâh in painting. Despite Tahmâsb's young age, his kingly status and his seniority in respect to the teachings of Behzâd likely would have allowed him to comment on, or even direct, the painting activities of artists such as `Abdol-`Aziz, perhaps his elder by some ten years.

504 See Welch, Royal Persian Manuscripts, p. 31, and Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, pp. 221-26.

505 For a stylistic discussion of `Abdol-`Aziz' paintings, see Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, pp. 216-28. Similarities in design and execution of cloud bands, carpet patterns, and eyebrows are most visible in comparison with fols. 77v, 80v, 81v, and 86v of the Shâh Tahmâsb Shâhnâmé.

506 The aquiline nose of this figure is recognized by S. C. Welch as a characteristic of `Abdol-`Aziz; see Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, p. 218.

507 See Drouot, May 28, 1975, lot 180, where Soustiel quotes N. Titley's suggestion that the story exists in the Qesasol-anbiyâ (Story of the prophets), and since the Fâlnâmé stories follow many of those in the Qesasol-anbiyâ, the painting would logically relate to the story of Jarjis. However, a Qesasol-anbiyâ manuscript consulted at the Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge (1955.275), did not include the sequel, and N. Titley could not recall if she had ever seen such a sequel (personal communication).

508 See A. Welch and S. C. Welch, Arts of the Islamic Book: The Collection of Prince Sadruddin Aga Khan (Ithaca, N.Y.: Cornell University Press, 1982), p. 79; see also Falk, Treasures, pp. 94-95. For other pages of the Fâlnâmé manuscript, see Lowry, Jeweler's Eye, no. 29, and Falk, Treasures, nos. 62-65.

509 S. C. Welch is responsible for most of the identifications of Shaykhzâdé's paintings, including those mentioned in the text as well as those in the Metropolitan Museum of Art Khamsé of 1524 (13.228), the BibliothŠque Nationale Collected Works of Mir `Ali-Shir, dated 1526 (Suppl. Turc 316-17, fols. 169r, 268r, 415v, 356v, 447v); for further information, see Welch, Royal Persian Manuscripts, pp. 54-61. Other recently attributed illustrations are included in the following publications: B. W. Robinson, Islamic Painting and the Arts of the Book (London: Faber and Faber, 1976), pls. 22a, b (dated A.H. 921/1515); Welch and Welch, Arts of the Islamic Book, cat. no. 21; Sotheby's, April 19, 1983, lot 133.

510 Welch, King's Book of Kings, p. 64.

511 See S. C. Welch, India, Art and Culture 1300-1900, exh. cat. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1985), p. 210; F. R. Martin, The Miniature Painting and Painters of Persia and India and Turkey from the 8th to the 18th Century (reprint; London: Holland Press, 1968), fig. 28; E. J. Grube, The Classical Style in Islamic Painting: The Early School of Herat and Its Impact on Islamic Painting of the Later 15th, 16th, and 17th Centuries (Lugano: Edizioni Oriens, 1968), pls. 97.1-97.3.

512 We can already see a tentative use of nasta`liq in the illuminated frontispiece of the Bustân (cat. no. 73a). In the Haft manzar Shaykhzâdé used it in the four dedicatory panels to the soltân. In another painting of the same manuscript, A Couple Entertained in a Pavilion (fol. 76v), he not only signed his name in nasta`liq but also inscribed the calligraphic panel on the building.

513 The British Library Khamsé of Nezâmi (Add. ms. 16780; Titley, Miniatures from Persian Manuscripts, no. 310) was copied in Herât under Qezelbâsh rule; see for instance Khosrow and Shirin Playing Polo (fol. 45v; in Stchoukine, Peintures des manuscrits safavis, pl. 12), where the polo players wear Qezelbâsh headgear. Twelve paintings in this manuscript are attributable to Shaykhzâdé. Hastily painted, they all depict Qezelbâsh headgear, now partially erased. The batons were probably erased after the manuscript's transfer to Bokhârâ, where they would have been perceived as symbols of Safavid heresy. The transfer of the manuscript to Bokhârâ is further confirmed by the addition of four Bokhârâ-style paintings, all by the same hand (fols. 141, 147, 281, 318). The last of the Shaykhzâdé paintings is on fol. 238, and the rest of the manuscript (to fol. 326) is hastily copied and contains two of the Bokhârâ-style paintings. `Obeydollâh Khân had occupied Mashhad in 1529 and then laid siege to Herât, entering the city in October 1529, one month after this manuscript was completed. The threatening pressure of the Ozbaks, who had besieged Herât for seven months in the preceding year, could well account for the hasty work in the illustrations.

514 The manuscript is in Tashkent, at the Institute of Oriental Studies (S 860); see Ashrafi, Persian-Tajik Poetry, p. 85. If the completion date of 1529 reported by Ashrafi is correct, Mir `Ali must have copied the manuscript while still in Herât and taken it along with him to Bokhârâ. Shaykhzâdé's paintings in the manuscript (fols. 9 and 41b) are clearly in the Bokhârâ style and must have been painted shortly after his arrival there.

515 Mir `Ali was a sayyed and had many poems written and copied in praise of the eighth imam, who was buried in Mashhad; see Bayâni, vol. 2, pp. 498-99.

516 It is hard to imagine that in the late fifteenth century "Shaykh" would refer to a Shi`a personality in the predominantly Sunni eastern Khorâsân. Moreover the surname Shaykhzâdé was one that the painter proudly used at the Ozbak court, writing it in bold characters on the Haft manzar illustrations. Another artist of the early thirteenth century, the calligrapher Ahmad-e Sohravardi, was also very proud of his lineage and was called Shaykhzâdé because of his father, the famous Shaykh Sohravardi, also a Sunni.

517 Welch, Royal Persian Manuscripts, p. 19.

518 Bayâni, vol. 3, p. 807. Bayâni (quoting Mohammad-Sâleh-e Esfahâni) suggests that Mohammad-Qâsem-e Shâdishâh was also a pupil of Soltân-`Ali-ye Mashhadi.

519 Qâzi, Golestân, pp. 89-90.

520 Bayâni, vol. 3, p. 807.

521 Bayâni (ibid.) reports only two manuscripts in Mohammad-Qâsem son of Shâdishâh's hand, a Divân-e shâhi dated A.H. 955/1548 in the Golestân Library, Tehrân (no. 510), and part of an anthology dated 1524, Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C. A list compiled by Wheeler Thackston (personal correspondence) gives three other manuscripts (not including the two in this collection): Yusof-o Zolaykhâ of Jâmi dated A.H. 929/1522, Chester Beatty Library, Dublin (no. 190); Tohfatol-ahrâr (Gift of the free) of Jâmi dated A.H. 929/1522, Topkapi Sarây Library, Istanbul (H.682); Bustân of Sa`di dated A.H. 935/1528, Trk ve Islam Eserleri Mzesi, Istanbul (no. 1916).

522 Hasan Beyg-e Rumlu also names Mohammad-Qâsem as Qâsem-e Shâdishâh; see Ahsanottavârikh, p. 186. As the illustrations are contemporary and the calligraphy matches the two other Bustâns copied by him (cat. nos. 66, 74), there seems little doubt that the signature in this Bustân is his.

523 The Bustân is preserved at the General Egyptian Book Organization, Cairo (Adab Farsi 908); see Lentz and Lowry, p. 293.

524 In smaller projects, like this Bustân manuscript, where production is not organized at the level of the royal atelier, one senses the more personal collaboration of the artists. An association of this type required an affinity of character, which apparently existed between another famous pair of painters and calligraphers, Mir `Emâd and Rezâ-e `Abbâsi, in the production of a Golestân, circa 1615 (see cat. no. 146a-d).

525 The tree at the top center of the Harvard Bustân painting is a transposition from cat. no. 73a, and a non-Behzâdian addition by Shaykhzâdé. See Martin, Miniature Painting and Painters, fig. 28, and Grube, Classical Style in Islamic Painting, pl. 97.1.

526 See Welch, Royal Persian Manuscripts, p. 19, and the plates in Chelkowski and Soucek, Mirror of the Invisible World.

527 Chelkowski and Soucek, Mirror of the Invisible World, p. 110.

528 Mirzâ `Ali also excelled at this difficult technique (see cat. no. 65), and his use of black arabesques on gold might have been inspired by Shaykhzâdé. For the affinity between these artists' work, see Welch, King's Book of Kings, p. 84.

529 Shaykhzâdé also used black arabesques on gold, sometimes with variations, throughout the 1524-25 Metropolitan Museum of Art Khamsé (13.228).

530 In practice, gold is applied over the designated area, and floral arabesques that are to remain shiny are delineated in black outline. A matte solution, probably a combination of water and gum Arabic, is then thinly applied to the surrounding areas. I am indebted to A. Moghbel for this information.

531 Interestingly the double-page illuminated heading of the 1538 Haft manzar (Freer Gallery of Art, Washington, D.C., 56.14) follows the same pattern of evolution as the paintings and displays new decorative features such as the green frames that Shaykhzâdé used in the paintings.

532 Illuminated headings often contain formulas in praise of or prayers for the Prophet. See, for instance, the heading of the Khamsé of Amir `Ali-Shir of 1491 at Windsor Castle (ms. 65), reproduced in Miniature Illustrations of Alisher Navoi's Works of the XV-XIXth Centuries (Tashkent: Fan Publishing, 1982), pp. 79-80. The expanded formula in cat. no. 74, with its emphasis on the "good and the pure" of the Prophet's progeny ("âlehi ajma`in, at-tayyebin, at-tâherin"), seems to be unprecedented.

533 For an account on Helâli, see cat. no. 68.

534 Dughlât, History of the Moghuls, p. 283.

535 The composition of the opening double-page to the 1538 Freer Gallery Haft manzar (56.14), which carries both the name of Shaykhzâdé and the Soltân `Abdol-`Aziz, is in the same style.

536 See also Ashrafi, Persian-Tajik Poetry, pp. 84-85. An almost exact replica of fig. 34 appears on fol. 53a of the 1544 Bahrâm Mirzâ Album (Topkapi Sarây Library, Istanbul, H.2154). Given the strained relationship between the Ozbaks and the Safavids, it would be intriguing to know the circumstances under which this duplicate reached (or was painted at) the Safavid court.

537 See, for instance, Chelkowski and Soucek, Mirror of the Invisible World, p. 54.

538 See Ashrafi, Persian-Tajik Poetry, p. 90; Grube, Classical Style in Islamic Painting, cat. no. 48; E. Blochet, Musulman Painting XIIth-XVIIth Century, trans. M. Binyon (New York: Hacker Art Books, 1975), pls. 66, 107; and Robinson, Persian Paintings in the John Rylands Library, no. 680.

539 Trans. W. Thackston.

540 For Ozbak political and tribal traditions, see M. Dickson, "Shah Tahmasb and the Uzbeks (The duel for Khorasan with `Ubayd Khan), 930-946/1524-1540," Ph.D. diss., Princeton University, 1958, pp. 24-38.

541 See Zahiroddin Mohammad Bâbor, Baburnama, trans. A. Beveridge (Lahore: Sangemeel Publications, 1979), p. 329.

542 Bayâni indicates that Mir `Ali might also have gone to Samarkand, citing a signature on a calligraphy written in Samarkand in 1528, the year of his deportation to Transoxiana; see Bayâni, vol. 2, p. 348.

543 For the determination of the precise date of the fall of Herât, see A. Burton, "The Fall of Herat to the Uzbegs in 1588," Iran 26 (1988), pp. 119-23.

544 Fols. 1-7, 83-84, 115, 176, 211-69, 278-79, 378, 385, and 419-22 are later replacements.

545 See I. Stchoukine, Les peintures des manuscrits de la "Khamseh" de Nizami au Topkapi Sarayi Muzesi d'Istambul (Paris: Librairie Orientaliste Paul Geuthner, 1977), no. 30, pls. 54, 55.

546 Another manuscript example of this early Ozbak school is published in N. Titley, "A Shahnama from Transoxiana," British Library Journal 7 (1981), pp. 158-71. For a discussion on the early Ozbak style, see B. Gray, ed., The Arts of the Book in Central Asia, 14th-16th Centuries (Paris: Unesco, 1979), p. 250.

547 This manuscript is part of the collection of the Academy of Sciences of the Uzbek SSR (5369-C.O.M., VIII, No. 5630). For reproductions, see A. M. Ismailova, Oriental Miniatures (Tashkent: Gafur Gulyam Literature and Art Publishing House, 1980), no. 19.

548 See Gray, Arts of the Book, pls. 71-72, 261.

549 Ibid., pl. 71.

550 Cat. no. 113b is especially close to the Freer Mehr Entertained by King Kayvân (fol. 32.7); ibid., p. 261.

551 Twelve pages are preserved at the Arthur M. Sackler Museum, Cambridge, 1958.63-74; eight have calligraphies on both sides and four have paintings on one side and calligraphy on the other. See M. S. Simpson, Arab and Persian Painting in the Fogg Art Museum (Cambridge: Harvard University, Fogg Art Museum, 1980), nos. 76-85

552 The calligraphies at the Sackler Museum are presently framed, but according to Prof. Anne-Marie Schimmel (personal communication) one of them bears Mir `Ali's signature.

553 Bayâni, vol. 3, p. 876.

554 Ibid., p. 879.

555 Ibid.

556 Ibid., vol. 1, p. 95.

557 The manuscript, once at the Kapurthala State Library and now at the National Library, New Delhi (L53-2/7), is published in S. C. Welch, India, Art and Culture 1300-1900, exh. cat. (New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 1985), no. 92, and J. P. Lotsy, The Art of the Book in India (London: British Library, 1982), no. 56.

558 Essayan was the son of the collector Gulbenkian.

559 See S. Sanadaji, "Sharafnâmé-ye shâhi" (Royal book of nobility), Iran Nameh 6, no. 2 (1988), pp. 259-79, where two sources are quoted, one Persian, the Khayrol-bayân (Best of speeches), and one Ozbak, the Sharafnâmé-ye shâhi.

560 Ibid.

561 See Robinson (Colnaghi), nos. 27i-ii, and B. Schmitz, "Miniature Painting in Harat, 1570-1640," Ph.D. diss., New York University, 1981, pp. 281-84. The manuscripts are presumably now in the Rezâ `Abbâsi Museum, Tehrân.

562 The library is described by the phrase "Navvâb-e kamyâb-e sepehr-rekâb," employing an epithet normally reserved for royalty. Use of the honorific Navvâb seems to have started in the second quarter of the sixteenth century among the Safavids, especially in reference to Shâh Mohammad-e Khodâbandé, Shâh `Abbâs's father (Eskandar Beyg referred to Shâh `Abbâs as Navvâb-e Sekandar Sha`n, and to another son, Hamzé Mirzâ, as Navvâb-e Jahânbani). Its use continued in the next century, as evidenced by inscriptions on paintings (see, for instance, cat. no. 159), and at times it was applied to governors or amirs of high rank. The invocation of celestial powers (sepehr-rekâb), however, refers only to royalty. See also a similar inscription, used by Mohammad-Zamân in reference to the Safavid Shâh Soleymân (r. 1666-94), on a page of the Leningrad Album at the Oriental Institute, St. Petersburg (O. F. Akimushkin, T. B. Gerek, and A. A. Ivanov, Album of Indian and Persian Miniatures of the XVI-XVIIIth Centuries [Moscow, 1962], no. 85). For the works of Shâh-Qâsem, see Schmitz, "Miniature Painting in Harat," pp. 54-69.

563 For a general discussion of the painting style in Herât about 1600, see Schmitz, "Miniature Painting in Harat," pp. 157-231.

564 See Sanadaji, "Sharafnâmé," p. 266.

565 See B. W. Robinson, Persian Drawings from the 14th through the 19th Century (Boston: Little, Brown and Company, 1965), pl. 46, and A. Kevorkian and J. P. Sicre, Les jardins du désir (Paris: Phebus, 1983), p. 229.

566 Bayâni, vol. 3, p. 619.

567 The period is extensively covered in Schmitz, "Miniature Painting in Harat." For similar works, see B. Gray, Peinture persane (Geneva: Skira, 1961), p. 165, and A. J. Arberry et al., The Chester Beatty Library: A Catalogue of the Persian Manuscripts and Miniatures (Dublin: Hodges, Figgis & Co., 1962), vol. 3, nos. 262, 264.

568 Arberry et al., Chester Beatty Library, vol. 3, p. 346. I am indebted to J. Soustiel for sharing a letter from A. Ivanov containing this information.

569 Drouot (Daussy-RiclŠs), Feb. 26, 1990, lots 67A, B.

570 See Dickson and Welch, vol. 1, p. 250, n. 10.

571 Ibid., p. 45.

572 Khorâsân appears to have been conservative in its adoption of new fashions for headgear. By the second half of the sixteenth century Qezelbâsh headgear apparently had been displaced by a style popular in Teymurid times.

573 See The Arts of Islam, exh. cat. (London: Hayward Gallery, 1976), no. 585.

574 See Sotheby's, July 7/8, 1980, lot 246.

575 Jouanin wrote in Persian on the first folio that he offered the manuscript to Felix Foylié in 1838. He described himself as the official translator of the French delegation in Tehrân.

576 See Qâzi Ahmad-e Qomi, Golestân-e honar (Garden of talents), ed. A. Soheyli (Tehrân: Bonyâd-e Farhang-e Iran, 1352) (among reproductions).

577 Hasan-`Ali's Mashhad origins are also mentioned by Qâzi Ahmad, who names him as a pupil of Sayyed Ahmad-e Mashhadi. He traveled to Herât before making the pilgrimage; ibid., p. 91.

578 In the preface to the Bahrâm Mirzâ Album (Bayâni, vol. 1, p. 202), Dust-Mohammad names Hasan-`Ali as a painter known as "the one with a delicate pen (nâzok-qalam)." He may or may not be the calligrapher Hasan-`Ali who, according to Qâzi Ahmad (Golestân, p. 91), died in 1594, almost a half century later.

579 See the margins of a Salâmân-o Absâl manuscript in a facsimile reproduction, ed. K. S. Aini (Dushanbe: Irfon, 1977).