Darjeeling-dooars

IGNORED BY FOURTH ESTATE

OF DEMOCRACY
The time will come when our nation will honour the memory of all the sons, the daughters, the mothers, the fathers, the youth, and the children who, by their thoughts and deeds, gave us the right to assert with pride that we are citizens of the world.

Nelson Mandela, First ‘state of the Nation’ address.

In terms of socio-cultural, educational, economical and political upliftment Indian Gorkhas are really ORPHANS in Independent India. The media is regarded as a friend and guide of the people and individuals and are also the custodians of Human Rights. In India the role of the media in regional and national issue is really praiseworthy. As the late Prime-Minister P.V. Narsimha Rao and the liberator of Jharkhandis -Sibu Soren were not spared by the media in reporting about them and the very reporting led to the proceedings for punitive measures. A word or two must be mentioned about the NANDIGRAM EPISODE of 14th March, 2007 carried and enacted with meticulous care and communistic precision had been exposed nakedly to the world by the media. The smuggling of women and children by the stature of the Member of Parliament Mr. Babubhai Katara on 17th April, 2007 was exposed to the public by the print and electronic media. It is very often seen as the use of steamroller at their whims by the power hungry government, its machinery, the influential and privileged persons against the rights, wishes, aspiration and the voices of individual and also the general people. In some of the cases the people have become helpless in making a protest against the plight thrust upon them. But in such case the media is always found to be taking the side of the victim. Hence, it is generally accepted and also believed that the media always takes up the cause of the people, and not the authority. But in respect of the issues related to Darjeeling and its people, the roles of the media, the fourth estate of the largest democracy of the world, in no case is encouraging and appreciative. As regards the plan, policy and the contemplation of the governments on Darjeeling and its people have remained as an exclusive business to be known by them only. The Right to Information Act is nothing for Darjeeling. For instance Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee, the Chief Minister of West Bengal and Subash Ghisingh, the Chairman of DGHC held many a one to one closed door meetings as and when they met and the contents and subjects of the discussions have been kept confined to themselves. On one the occasion, Chief Minister Buddhadev Bhattacharjee came to Darjeeling in a convoy of government vehicles by covering the number plates of the vehicles and held talks with Subash Ghising. In the same manner the public meetings, rallies, demonstrations etc. organised by different parties and organisations for the formation of separate State of Gorkhaland has not been carried by the national and state level dailies since the formation of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and its functioning in the age of Right to Information of twenty first century. The leader of Gorkha Liberation Army Mr. Chhatray Subba and some of his associates were making statements to the media for the formation of a separate State of Gorkhaland from the beginning of 2000. But subsequently, he was arrested in an alleged attempt on the life of Subash Ghisingh and was put into confinement. The case on the attack of Indian Parliament has been disposed off within three to four years. As "Mr. SAR Geelani, a lecturer in Arabic at the Zakir Hussain College, Delhi, was arrested in connection with the 13th December, 2003 attack on the Indian Parliament and was charged with conspiring the attack along with others. The lecturer was booked under the erstwhile draconian law, the Prevention of Terrorist Activities Act and following investigation by the Delhi police, the designated court awarded Mr. Geelani with death sentence. However, following an appeal, the Delhi High Court acquitted Mr. Geelani on 29th October, 2003, citing the lack of evidence to link the college lecturer with the terror strike. The acquittal of Mr. Geelani was later ratified by the Supreme Court of India on 4th August, 2005." And the same Geelani was invited by the Association for Protection of Democratic Rights, Siliguri Unit for delivering lecture against capital punishment on 6 October 2007 in Mitra Sammilani Auditorium, Siliguri. {The Statesman dated Thursday, 4th October, 2007}. But the case of the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh has had been kept lingering for keeping Chhatray Subba and others in Jail exclusively for creating a sort of fear psychosis in the minds of the people who dare to raise the demand of Separate State of Gorkhaland. Murder, robbery, arson have been taking place even after the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh in Darjeeling Hill. Three Councilors of Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council and few others are seen to have been murdered before and after the reported attack on Subash Ghisingh. But in these cases no one has been detained and the suspected criminals were set free on bail by the District or Lower Courts. But on the attack of Subash Ghisingh, the reported attackers having an identity as a true protagonist for the demand of a separate State of Gorkhaland, the government seemed to have stood against granting the bail, as a pre-warning to the common people. And it is also a fact that the bail petition moved in the Supreme Court of India by the reported accused was vehemently opposed by West Bengal Government through its lawyers and advocates. Thus, out of fourteen reported attackers arrested by Police six persons are in custody for eight years and some time they are resorting to hunger strike in jail for early disposal of the case. The leaders and cadres making demand of separate State for Kamtapuris are also seen languishing in Jail along with their Nepali speaking compatriots in the state of West Bengal ruled by a party that professed Marxism and Leninism as their basic tenets of governance. Thus the Government of West Bengal, being guided and led by the ideals of Marxism and Leninism as professed by them, are of late suffering from a strong grip of phobia caused by the constant demand of Separate State made by distinct and different linguistic groups residing within compact areas with discernible socio-politico activities entirely different to that of the ruling class. Being unable to hide the apprehension of their mindset and guilty psychological feelings, they are found to have been taking the dictatorial course of action, against the party and person for making demand of SEPARATE STATE. As the West Bengal government led by CPM has become a victim of their own suspicion and being over suspicious, they feel uneasy on the movement of Maoist in Nepal, Tamils in Srilanka and establishment of Democracy in Bhutan. The CPM seems to have been suffering from a syndrome of suspicion on the people, who are making the demands of a Separate State. The syndrome has inculcated a feeling in them for treating the demand for separate state not as an aspiration of people but a result of the influence and impact of insurgencies from the North Eastern India and Naxalite movement of the country on the people of West Bengal. And in the rule of CPM in West Bengal, extending more than thirty years in an interrupted manner, it is only the arch enemy of the party and the leaders and cadres who had been making demand for separate state are destined to be in judicial custody, being dragged in proceedings on different pretext. But the plight suffered by them also goes un-noticed from the eyes of the Human Right Bodies.
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FINANCE AND DEVELOPMENTAL PROPOSAL
Sikkim is the immediate neighbour of the Darjeeling Hill areas comprising of three subdivisions namely, Sadar, Kurseong and Kalimpong. Sikkim has a population of near about five lakh and Darjeeling hills a little more than eight lakhs as per the census report of 2001. Sikkim, in spite of having less population than Darjeeling hill but being a separate state and also the youngest member of North Eastern Council, passed the annual budget of Rupees 5221.11 crore for the financial year 2007-2008, in the Assembly. Further, Sikkim enjoys exemption in income tax, production cess and subsidy of thirty percent for the purchase of machines and other accessories as declared by the Government of India in the month of March 2007 for encouraging industrialization in the hill state. While addressing the "Assembly of Sikkim state the Governor Mr. V. Rama Rao said that the budget proposals have been formulated keeping in mind the objectives and policy prescriptions envisaged in the 11th Five Year Plan. A number of new policies and thrust areas have been identified in the 11th Plan document. These have been incorporated in our budget proposals for the year 2007-08".

Siliguri is a subdivision of Darjeeling district created out of Kurseong sub-division and it is smaller in area than Kalimpong sub-division. But Siliguri subdivision has a population near about fourteen lakhs as per the census of 2001. And, for the development of Siliguri sub-division, Siliguri-Mahkuma Parisad, Siliguri-Jalpaiguri Development Authority and Siliguri Municipal Corporation, the three statutory bodies are operating in unison. The budget of "Siliguri Municipal Corporation for 2007-08 fiscal year was approved today without any amendment. The whopping Rs. 104.33 crore budgets was passed by a majority vote this afternoon" {The Statesman dated 29th March, 2007}. During the corresponding period the three subdivisions namely, Darjeeling, Kurseong and Kalimpong had Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council as their agency for development. But it had no power and authority for making the budget and mobilization of the resources. Hence, the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council, since its inception, is dependent on the magnanimity of the Central and State Governments. But the magnanimity was seen to be confined with Rupees Twenty Two Crore grant to the Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council per annum from the Government of India. Thus the meagre amount received/given to Darjeeling Gorkha Hill Council in comparison to the amount secured by Siliguri, a sub-division of Darjeeling District, has not been regarded by the Government as neglect of the three sub-divisions of Darjeeling District inhabited by Nepali Speaking population.

In order to expedite the pace of development in Independent India the PLANNING COMMISSION was constituted. Many Five Year Plans were formulated and implemented in independent India. But it seemed that Darjeeling Hill is neglected in every successive Five Year Plan. As of today, that is the first decade of twenty first century, there is not a single work worth showing executed under the Five Year Plan for the socio-economic development of the place and people.

The seventh Left Front Government of West Bengal {2006-2010} has been making an utmost endeavour for the industrialization of the state for the socio-economic development. Despite the stiff opposition for the acquisition lands by the farmers, the Government of West Bengal under the Chief-Ministership of Buddhadev Bhattacharya took all-out measures for acquiring the agricultural land for industrial purposes. As it was change of heart of the Left Front Government and more precisely of the CPM from their earlier established and declared perception on the capitalists and their role in the socio-economic development. Thus, the change of heart was a clear signal and indication of a farewell to their rigid and dogmatic attitude towards the capitalists and bourgeoisies. The national and international capitalists and bourgeoisies also did not take much time to understand the change of heart as an appeal of the government with folded hands for investment in the state. Hence, many of them being encouraged on the initiatives of the government that were in conformity with the globalization of the day seem to be rushing to West Bengal with plans, proposals and assurances for investments. The effort of the government and willingness of the industrialists for making a new developed Bengal is really heartening. And in order to translate the vision into a reality several lakhs acres of Land has been earmarked for the establishment of various types of industries. In the process a little more than twenty five thousand acres of land has been identified and earmarked for offering to the industrialists in the district of Darjeeling. But in that identified and earmarked land not a decimal of land has been reserved for industrialization in the hill areas of Darjeeling. The proposals for setting up of different kinds of industries are suggested only for Siliguri and its surroundings. Not a single industry has been proposed for the Hill Areas of Darjeeling. Thus, it has become the habit and part of their nature to claim Darjeeling, as the crown of Bengal. When it comes to Darjeeling's development not a word is whispered, either in the cabinet or within the state Assembly. Again, Darjeeling is too insignificant a name to be heard within the raucous proceedings of the house. Darjeeling only matters to the West Bengal state, so long as it can; collect fat revenue from its world famous tea, indiscriminately hack the rare old trees from the forest region. A recorded fact that the WBFDC made a record profit during the 1980’s agitation on the pretext that the GNLF cadres were involved in illegal logging (Dr. TB Subba).The way the logs were being transported by the Forest department had made people in Kalimpong come out with a variation of an old proverb,

“na rahega bas na fukayga sootay”(sic) apt albeit funny. Jonathan Bate, the British eco-critic couldn’t have been more correct when he says, “…imperialism…colonialism has always brought with it deforestation and the consuming of natural resources…” Darjeeling has always been wantonly exploited be it by the British Raj or by Bengal Raj.The area still remains a cheap holiday destination to the merriment of tourists with shoe-string budget. For sure it matters to the gaudy state civil servants, to be groomed and rule the docile looking naive hill folks. And of course it matters most to the pot- bellied; city based political heavy weights, when they enter the election fray. It is at times like this, heaps of lies and fake promises are made to woo the voters. Other than these facts Darjeeling as such has no relevance in any other context.
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POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT AFTER GHISINGH'S TERMINATION TILL THE ABORTED ATTEMPT OF THE LEFT FRONT TO DEPOSE THE PRIME MINISTER,

MR. MANMOHAN SINGH
There were three members elected on tickets of Gorkha National Liberation Front (GNLF) to the 14th West Bengal Legislative Assembly from Darjeeling Hills. But, out of three Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha resigned from the primary membership of GNLF and started raising the demand for a Separate State of Gorkhaland in the West Bengal Assembly soon after Subash Ghisingh was deposed from the post of Care-taker Administrator of DGHC. They submitted a memorandum to the chief minister of West Bengal, Buddhadev Bhattacharjee in support of the demand. Thus, the two legislators namely Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha succeeded to occupy a premier place in the history of the Legislative Assembly of West Bengal by exhibiting their courage and commitment to the cause of a Homeland for the Indian Gorkha. The voicing of the demand for Gorkhaland, was the first of its kind in the annals of the history West Bengal Assembly. The feeling within the public was that the two Legislators would join Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha {GJMM} which had been formed for spearheading a movement to realise the demand of Gorkhaland within India, by joining the Darjeeling district and Dooars region. But in a surprising press statement of Bimal Gurung, the President of GJMM had asked Pranay Rai and Goulan Lepcha to resign from the membership of West Bengal Assembly and prove their sincerity and commitment towards the cause of a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas. The informed layer of Nepali speaking Gorkha community of India became stunned on hearing Bimal Gurung as they had thought the movement for Homeland will get a fillip by the persistent political and diplomatic foray by the duo in the West Bengal Legislative Assembly and the same would prove a powerful shot in the hand of Bimal Gurung and his party GJMM. But contrary to people's expectation Bimal Gurung again disheartened them by asking the removal of Dilkumari Bhandari from the presidentship of Bharatiya Gorkha Parisang which had been working for enlisting the support of Nepali Speaking Gorkha and other socio-political bodies of the different states from India for achieving a Homeland for Indian Nepalis. The need of the hour then was unity and solidarity of the aspirants of a Homeland for Indian Nepalis. But it seemed that Bimal Gurung and his party GJMM acting as catalyst was more into breaking the unity and solidarity without which the achievement of Homeland for the Indian Gorkha could be nothing save a day dream. In the corresponding period Madan Tamang, the president of All India Gorkha League {ABGL} had also asked Dawa Narbula, the member of Lok Sabha from Darjeeling, to resign from membership of Parliament, for his act of not submitting a written objection against the imposition of Sixth Schedule Status for Darjeeling. On seeing the movement of pro-Gorkhaland parties moving in a centrifugal direction, R.B. Rai, the general secretary of Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists (CPRM) had issued a press statement, with an appeal for not interfering into the political and organizational affairs of one party by another in the larger interest and aspirations of the people.

The political parties intending to lead the people for separation of the region from West Bengal have seen engaged in acrimony would be taken in poor taste. It was common knowledge that the knot of separation of Darjeeling and the Dooars had to be disentangled from the West Bengal Assembly and the Parliament. But some of the parties that had been making promises for working to separate the region from the political and administrative clutches of West Bengal had asked the legislators and Members of Parliament to quit their respective posts was a reason best known to those concerned. Some of the political parties operating in Siliguri were against the demand of a separate state of Grokhaland. They were very tactful in manipulating the Siliguri Municipal Corporation to pass a unanimous resolution against the demand in the last week of March ‘08. Thus, it was seen that the separation was to be made from the clutches of the people who were united after settling their political and social differences. But the parties operating in Darjeeling hills, those wanting to form a separate state of Gorkhaland by separating Darjeeling district and Dooars region from West Bengal had not been able to bind themselves together despite pursuing the same demand. Comparatively the political parties of Siliguri dissatisfied by the UNANIMOUS RESOLUTION against the demand alone had also decided to organize people's convention on 10th April 08 at Kanchanjunga Stadium, Siliguri, in which all the social and cultural unions functioning in Siliguri were asked to make their presence obligatory for ADOPTION OF A RESULOTION AGAINST THE SEPARATION OF SILIGURI FROM WEST BENGAL. The Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha as a counter measure was supposed to organize a Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen's Morcha and a hunger strike on 9th and 10th April 08 in Siliguri. Rather most appropriately on 3rd.April 08 explosion of Rdx took place at Champasari, Siliguri in which three people killed and one sustained an injury. The operators were supposedly working on a timed device in a closed room, where they were staying on rent, seemed to have mishandled the explosive. The CPM minister from Siliguri, Asok Bhattacharjee was at Coimbatore at the time of explosion and while ringing from there he didn't hesitate to inform the press at Siliguri that "intelligence officials had precise information that some seditious forces were attempting to spread unrest in Siliguri. I had said this earlier and today my apprehension came true". (The Telegraph dated 4th April 08) But "the inspector general of police (North Bengal), R.J.S. Nalwa, however said nothing could be said till the investigation was completed. We need to check out whether they were making IEDs ever since they were staying there."{The Telegraph, 4th April 08}. The local daily published from Siliguri had also carried the statement of CPM leaders Mukul Sengupta and Ramasankar Prasad in the same line to that of their leader and Minister Asok Bhattacherjee. But the Statesman English daily published from Siliguri had carried on 4th April 08 as "I am a common man. I am a paanwala" 'is what the IG of the state Intelligence Branch (IB), Mr. Gaurav Dutta told reporters to avoid queries related to the bomb blasts at Champasari in Siliguri today'. Thus it could be presumed from the versions of the two authorities, that the responsible minister of Left Front government belonging to CPM and his party had surprisingly outwitted the concerned authorities by being more knowledgeable in the occurences of the bomb blasts at Champasari, Siliguri than the officials meant for the job. By twisting the facts, the design was to oppose the demand of a separate state of Gorkhaland. The minister Asok Bhattacherjee on his return from Coimbator had immediately held a joint meeting with the police and civil authorities in Siliguri on 5th April 08 and next day, the Telegraph carried two columned news of the said meeting captioned as Asok sounds terror alarm in Siliguri in which it was written "the police also suspect that the blasts were planned for execution in the next five-six days, going by the timer indicators. One of the devices was set for detonation after three days and 44 minutes, another after six days, one police official said. There was a convention as arranged by the Siliguri Municipal Corporation on April 10 at Kunchanjunga Stadium. So the probability (of blast) could not be ruled out, he said". Thus, after the meeting the police officials also seemed to have changed their mind for pursuing the matter in tandem with the minister's version. But the general secretary Rosan Giri of GJMM had stated that "the state government at the behest of Asok Bhattacharjee is conspiring to stop the Morcha from carrying out its programmes in Siliguri and Dooars by alleging that the party had links with the blasts. We demand that the investigation be handed over to a central agency to expose the truth" (The Telegraph dated 7th April 08). However, unearthing the truth of the blasts the ruling Left Front was seen engaged in mustering support from the political parties, socio-cultural organization and individuals by arranging citizens' convention scheduled to be held on 10th April 08 at Kunchanjunga Stadium to adopt a Resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland and inclusion of Siliguri in it. But the Revolutionary Socialist Party {RSP} one of the major constituents of the ruling Left Front informs "the decision to stay away was taken keeping in mind the sensitive nature of the convention and the possible rift it might create between the plains and hills. The district CPM insisted that the two RSP councilors had earlier consented to the convention. The meeting has not been called by any political party but by the civic body. All political parties that have representative in the corporation had agreed to it, said Jibitesh Sarkar, a state committee member of CPM". (The Telegraph dated 8th April 08). But a day before the proposed convention, the All Gorkha Ex-servicemen's Morcha was reported to have obtained permission for organizing a Rally in Siliguri, for which a meeting of GJMM leaders and the district Magistrate was held the previous day. Hence, the rally was arranged as scheduled, but the Ex-servicemen from Kalimpong were not allowed to proceed further from Sevok by the deployment of heavy police contingent. And, the Rally from Darjeeling, Kurseong, Sukna and its surrounding were also obstructed at Sukna and released "between 10.30 A.M, 11.10 A.M around 1000 marchers starting for Siliguri were told not to go beyond Pintail village. Around 11.40 A.M the DM, Rajesh Pandey and SP Rahul Srivastav meet the marchers and asked them to stop. At 12.05 marchers negotiate with the officials to allow them to proceed till Darjeeling More. Accordingly Police barricades were withdrawn. Between 12.55- 1-35 pms around 300 policemen stop the marchers; DM and SP refused to allow them to move upto Air View More. All of a sudden a stone hits a police constable, and the police charge with batons and fire tear gas shells. The crowd disperses. More than 25 people, including 14 policemen injured." (The Telegraph dated 10th April 08) (Emphasis mine). It was apparently felt by the CPM that the different communities residing in Siliguri were inconspicuously favouring to be in the proposed state of Gorkhaland for speedy socio-economic upliftment and all-round development. Hence, the CPM was seen determined in not allowing the political party, organization and individuals to set their foot in Siliguri, with any kind of activities related to the demand of Gorkhaland. But in absence of support from the masses the CPM seemed to have taken a course of repressive measures with the use of police force and administrative machinary against the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha on 9th April 08. It was begun by vandalizing the office of the GJMM by CPM cadres with impunity, at Darjeeling More, Siliguri. Further, the Siliguri Municipal Corporation took all preparations for holding the convention on 10th April 08 explicitly with a plea for maintaining communal harmony, but implicitly to adopt the resolution against the demand of Gorkhaland. On realizing the intention and motive of the corporation which was at the behest of CPM "the Congress and the Trinmul Congress have decided to follow the RSP in pulling out of the tomorrow's all-party convention organized by the Siliguri Municipal Corporation (SMC) to show hills -plain unity. The meet has been called mainly to garner support against the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha's decision to include Siliguri subdivision in the new state that it is demanding" (The Telegraph dated 10th April 08, Emphasis mine).The north Bengal convener of Trinmul was seen to have told the press as "we are pulling out because we do not believe in the parochial politics of the CPM" {IBID}. Thus the convention organized by SMC at the behest of CPM turned out to be a parochial endeavour of its mentor.

The GJMM as a reprisal to the Lathicharge, bursting of tear gas shells, pelting of stones etc. by the police on the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha, ransacking of their office at Darjeeling More by the CPM and the convention of SMC against Gorkhaland, decided to call a twenty four hours Darjeeling district bandh along with Rallies, public meetings, observance of one day token hunger strike in the different places on 10th April 08. The programme of GJMM went peacefully as decided but "the police arrested Kamtapur Progressive Party Leader Atul Roy and over 150 followers of the KPP and the Gorkha Jana Mukti Morcha from the venue of a token hunger strike at Matigarah BDO office premises at Shivamandir in Siliguri today. They were later released on bail from the Matigara police station" Italicization mine {The Statesman, North Bengal & Sikkim plus dated 11th April 08. Thus, it seems that the government of West Bengal was determined for not allowing any sort of activity on the demand of Gorkhaland in Siliguri which historically, legally, ethnically, emotionally and psychologically do not form a part of the state of West Bengal. The GJMM being frustrated by the move of the government at the behest of the CPM had announced its programme of not allowing the district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey to enter the Darjeeling hills. They later made amends of recruiting their own force named as Gorkhaland Personnel and made an appeal of non-cooperation with the government by not paying taxes and declared the closure of government offices from 14th April 08. A mob allegedly ransacked the office of CPM at Kurseong. The district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey being a blue-eyed boy of the CPM and more precisely of the minister from Siliguri, was in Darjeeling district for more than twelve years from the post of ADM, Executive officer Siliguri Jalpaiguri Development Authority, D.M Jalpaiguri and D.M Darjeeling. Thus his prolonged tenure in the region was due to a close proximity with the political leadership of the ruling party.

Following the Champasari blasts on 3rd. April 08, "the Pradhannagar police recovered 2.5 kg explosive from a Mallaguri household on 8 April and ten live bombs with six timers from a Gurung Busty household on 12 April". (The Statesman, 16^th April 08 North Bengal &Sikkim). The findings of explosives and timers by the police seemed to have born out and corroborated the claim and statement of Minister, Asok Bhattacharjee and his party as they were targeting the party and individuals that were making the demand for Gorkhaland by stating that Siliguri has become vulnerable on account of the presence of subversive elements. But informed layers were seemed not ready to accept the version of the minister, his party and the findings of the police revealed as they were of the view and opinion that the explosives and timers if it was really found, could have been collected for use either in Nepal or Bhutan or North East of India and not absolutely in Siliguri. As the persons arrested by the police in connection with the blasts were to be from Nepal, Bhutan and Darjeeling Hills. But the persons arrested and claimed to be from Darjeeling Hills were least known and could not be identified in Darjeeling hills. Further they were not associated with any political party and organization operating in Darjeeling Hills. Another possible angle as discussed in the public was that some agency might have been involved to execute the deed at the behest of some powerful lobby, solely with a purpose to create fear-psychosis in the general public so as to libel the people, organization and individual, who were making and supporting the demand for a separate state for a Gorkhaland. As the West Bengal government and parties operating in Siliguri and more precisely the CPM were dead against the demand of separate state for a Gorkhaland and had taken all sorts of measures to discourage the activities of Gotkhaland demand in Siliguri. It would have been better had the West Bengal Government banned the parties that demanded Gorkhaland. But being unable to do so, it was seen that they were engaged in intrigues and conspiracy in connivance with the admininstration to restrain the activities of the parties making demand for a Separate State of Gorkhaland in Siliguri. As it was seen that there was a naked demonstration of their design on 9th April 08 at Darjeeling More, Siliguri wherein the police personnel some astonishingly in mere slipplers pelted stones, burst teargas shells and mercilessly beat those who were participating in the Rally of All Gorkha Ex-servicemen Morcha, and prevented them from entering Siliguri town in procession for highlighting the demand of Gorkhaland. As a result was several ex-army personnel sustained injury, many of them were hospitalized with severe injury, four of them were missing for several days, some of them were arrested and charged. These retired army personnel who had fought for the liberation of Bangladesh, India-China and Indo-pak wars with valour and had won gallantry awards. But the same ex-army personnel decorated with medals, badges, ribbons and citation that were received as mark of dedicated service to the nation were mercilessly beaten and humiliated by the West Bengal Police. The battered ex-army personnel were from the rank of Lt.col to the ordinary soldiers and the thrashing had caused the medals, badges and ribbon to be littered all over and some of it was deliberately trampled by the angry men in uniform. Thus, the Rally of unarmed war heroes was crushed by the politically surcharged staff, with their stick and riffle butts. The khaki clad police unionized and affiliated to the ruling party of West Bengal were far more efficient than the CPM cadres in carrying out the high command's order. But the incident was not a matter of shame for the cultured and civilized Government of West Bengal led by Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, who is also a politburo member of the Communist Party of India (Marxists). Meanwhile, the Governor of West Bengal, Gopal Krishna Gandhi was reported to have written a letter to Bimal Gurung, the president of GJMM with a request to allow the district magistrate, Rajesh Pandey to return to the district head quarter, Darjeeling. On his return to Darjeeling the district magistrate held a meeting with the leaders of GJMM and the result of the meeting was the constitution of one-man inquiry committee on the happenings headed by M.L Meena, the principal secretary of environment department of the government of West Bengal. This was a cover up exercise to hush up the unconstitutional act of the police and to secure their protection. As such the result of the one-man inquiry committee has remained as stated above.

The GJMM after making sway and establishing command and control over Darjeeling hills was expanding its organizational and political activities in Siliguri and the Dooars, so as to highlight the demand of Gorkhaland comprising Darjeeling district and the Dooars region. But the West Bengal Government at the behest of CPM in Siliguri and more precisely on the reported discreet advice of the M.L.A and minister Ashok Bhattacherjee representing Siliguri seemed determined to stall the GJMM in carrying any sort of political or organizational activities in Siliguri. The GJMM grew tired of making persistent requests to the district administration to secure permission to hold public meeting in Siliguri. When such requests were refused the GJMM in response had declared the closure of state and central offices from 14th April 08 while keeping the essential and emergent departments out of its purview. Thus, Darjeeling hills came under a grip of stagnation that implied non-existence of government machinery. All Gorkha Students Union associated with GJMM started on 14th April 08 a PADA YATRA (travel on foot) from Darjeeling Hill via Siliguri to Sunkosh the extreme boundary of proposed state of Gorkhaland that separates from Assam. This was to highlight the area for which the GJMM WAS MAKIING IT'S CLAIM FOR THE FORMATION OF SEPARATE STATE OF GORKHALAND.The participants in the Padayatra on reaching Darjeeling More, Siliguri on 16th April 08 had found the road leading to Siliguri town barricaded by the Democratic Youth Federation of India (DYFI), a youth wing of the CPM, with administrative protection. They were persuaded and forced to follow the route leading to Dooars via the Highway and even that route was barricaded at three places which were the entry points to Siliguri town.

The obstruction to enter into Siliguri led to a meeting by a visiting delegation with the chief-secretary, A.K. Deb, Government of West Bengal on 23rd. April 08 and it was understood that the delegation had requested him for holding a public meeting in Siliguri on 27th April 08. But the chief-secretary, Government of West Bengal, "A.K. Deb today told a visiting delegation of Gorkha Janamukti Morcha that the situation in Siliguri was tense and it would not be proper for the government to allow them to hold a meeting there on 27th April. On September 28 last year, there was large scale violence in Siliguri and the army had to be deployed. Since then, things have not been in right shape in Siliguri"…The Telegraph 24th April 08. (Emphasis mine). It is understandable that the plea for not giving permission for public meeting as stated by the chief-secretary was the tense situation in Siliguri. But in that tense situation the CPM and its youth wing, DYFI were seen holding public meetings and rallies at different places in and around Siliguri so as to oppose the demand and the movement carried out by GJMM. The cause of tense situation has been attributed to the ugly incident of 28th September 07 by the chief-secretary. The details of the 28th September 07 incident have been dealt in succinctly under the chapter Prashanta Phenomenon. Hence, if the incident of 28th September 08 was the real and sole cause of Siliguri becoming tense, then it could be easily termed as the failure of the government of West Bengal to defuse the situation and restore normalcy even after a year. As the same government and its administration was able to restore normalcy and maintain law and order in Kolkata, where a violence of communal nature had taken place after the incident on 28th September 08 in Siliguri on the issue of allowing or disallowing Talisma's sojourn in Kolkata. A similar situation had developed in Kolkata due to the suicide of Rizwanur in failing to bring his beloved consort from the captivity of her parents. The situation could very well have given an opportunity to the communal elements to exploit and extract benefit for their parochial and narrow selfish end. But the alarming situation was nipped in the bud on account of the alacrity and judicious administrative intervention at Kolkata. A grave situation with wide ramification was built up in Nandigram, West Bengal on account of killing of fourteen people reportedly by CPM cadres dressed up in police uniform. The killings were protested and highlighted by the Governor of state, intellectuals, political parties and other luminaries from different fields. The explosive and volatile situation and circumstances were seen to have been kept under grip by not allowing it to take the shape of conflagration of political and administrative failures. But the same government and its administration denied permission to hold public meeting to GJMM with a plea that there was no improvement of situation after several months of 28th September 08 incidents in Siliguri. The reason and grounds of tense situation in Siliguri as stated by the chief-secretary, if it is to be accepted is clear that the government and its administrative machinery was to be held responsible for their failure of defusing and normalising the situation even after a lapse of several months. The failure of the government in maintaining law and order in a normal course has automatically led it to forfeit its right to be in power. The denial of permission to hold a public meeting in Siliguri was nothing but a discreet and diplomatic endeavour to subside and subdue the simmering urge, surge and emotion of the people residing there, so that the inclusion of Siliguri in the proposed new state of Gorkhaland would be stalled forthwith.

The other side of the discreet, diplomatic and administrative endeavour of the government was to create a sort of fear-psychosis within the minds of the aspirants of Gorkhaland. As has been seen that Chattray Subba was voraciously advocating for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland and at times he had reportedly advocated the use of arms for its realization. But he was arrested on the alleged attack on the convoy of Subash Ghising on 10th February 2001 at Saat Ghoomti, below Kurseong and since then he has been kept in Jail. The inability of Chattray Subba not getting bail on one or other pretext for eight years was nothing but a superb design of the government to inform and impress the people to be prepared to face the same fate as that of Chattray Subba if they wanted Gorkhaland by separating the region from West Bengal. In spite of the presence of this Damocles' Sword, the CPRM had been spearheading a movement by organizing meetings, rallies, deputations and correspondences to the authorities for early disposal of the case of Chattray Subba along with the five others who are languishing in Jail. Other political parties, organizations and legal professionals were indifferent on the issue of protracted jail term of those people. But GJMM formed to ouster of Subash Ghising for his misrule as the care-taker of DGHC, and scraping of proposed sixth schedule for Darjeeling and achievement of Gorkhaland was also seen to have raised the issue of early release of Chattray Subba in their public meetings. Thus, the issues raised and advocated by GJMM and its professed stand for peaceful, non-violent, non-communal and democratic movement has been considered by CPRM as a meeting point and synchronisation of political wavelength between the two like minded parties. Hence, the CPRM had recognised and accepted GJMM as a true friend, ally, comrade-in-arm and co-marinerto swim over the stormy and systematic politico-administrative waves of the Bay of Bengal. Taking into consideration the role and the movement of GJMM an unconditional moral and physical support was extended by CPRM simultaneously carried and organised independent programme so as to supplement and compliment the movement launched by GJMM. As a part of independent programme for providing fillip to the endeavour of GJMM two frontal wings of CPRM namely Democratic Revolutionary Youth Front and Democratic Revolutionary Women Front staged 24 hours Hunger Strike on 24/25 April 08 in Darjeeling, Kurseong, Kalimpong, Gourbathan, Mirik and Bijanbari placing demands for the formation of a separate state of Gorkhaland, unconditional release of Chattray Subba and others and reopening of the case file of the victims of 1986-88 movement for adequate compensation to the bereaved families who were paid Rupees Eight thousand only. Whereas in contrast each family of the Nandigram killings was paid Rupees Five Lakh by the same Left Front government. The twenty Four Hours Hunger Strike was being widely responded from different sections of the people. There was a rush of visitors to the venues of the hunger strike for lending moral support to the participants, and it was encouraging to see them write commendations, comments and suggestions in the Register Kept for public opinion.

Bharatya Gorkha Parisang (BGP) an apex body of Indian Nepalis bearing a non-political character held its National Council Meet and seminar from 29th April to 1st May 08 in Risi Bhawan, Siliguri by extending invitation to political parties operating in Darjeeling. The meet was attended by the representatives of BGP from twenty two STATES of the Indian union, celebrated intellectuals of different disciplines, reputed social activists and leaders who were spearheading movement for the formation of separate states of Telengana, Bidarva, Bundelkhand and Harit Pradesh in India. But the absence of GJMM, GNLF, CPM and the Congress from Darjeeling was conspicuous. However, the meet had appealed and urged for the unity and solidarity of Indian Gorkhas to achieve a Homeland for them. To achieve such a homeland, the area comprised of Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars region. Accordingly, a resolution was adopted for the same and a request was forwarded to the Government of India for taking appropriate action. But when the session of the BGP was on the GJMM being unable to get permission to hold a public meeting in Siliguri had decided to sit for hunger strike before sub-divisional offices of Darjeeling District as well as in parts of Dooars from 1st May 08. The hunger strike was held in Darjeeling hills but the West Bengal Government was determined not to allow hunger strike before the sub-divisional office at Siliguri. Therefore in the early morning of 1st May 08 a large contingent of force was deployed at Darjeeling More to obstruct the entry of the participants. On reaching Darjeeling More, the participants and their supporters were arrested indiscriminately. The number of arrested people exceded two hundred on that day. At this juncture, instead of normalizing the situation the West Bengal Government indulged in a petty gimmick when the cabinet minister, Asok Bhattacherjee made appeal to the tourists as -"I earnestly request tourists not to head for Darjeeling this summer. The situation in the hills is too complicated" (The Telegraph 1st May published from Siliguri) Emphasis added. By issuing the statement the cabinet minister, Asok Bhattacherjee might have thought that tourist would stop visiting Darjeeling and would serve as a fatal blow to parties and the representatives of the people of Darjeeling who were persistently demanding a state within India, and for which they wanted to hold a public meeting and hunger strike in Siliguri. However, this did little to affect the decline in the number of tourists visiting Darjeeling hills. But the statement coming from Asok Bhattacharjee could be easily construed as a failure in handling the situation that lacked the broadness and a clear vision to guage the situation as expected from the stature of the rank of a Cabinet Minister. As Kashmir then was turning out to be dangerous and vulnerable for domestic as well as international tourists due to infliction of Terrorists activities in the entire state. There was report of kidnapping of tourist by the subversive elements and similar situation had developed in the North Eastern India where even the NGOs' were not spared. But, at no time such statement is found to have been made by a minister for other authorities to dissuade the Tourist from visiting those places. But the two month old agitation promoted in "GANDHIAN WAY" by GJMM to form a separate state for Indian Gorkhas within India was found to have compelled the West Bengal Government to request the Tourists to avoid visiting Darjeeling hills, and the reason given was that "the situation in Darjeeling hills is too complicated". If the situation was really too complicated, then no one can deny the fact that it was the responsibility of the Government of West Bengal to defuse and normalize the situation in the best possible extent. Hence, the statement of the minister, Asok Bhattacherjee could be accepted as the inability and inefficiency of the Government of West Bengal to restore normalcy in Darjeeling hills. The inability to restore normalcy by the government which was democratically elected and constitutionally constituted would mean the collapse of the law and order. The break down of Law and Order normally invite the dissolution or dismissal of the Government for its failure to maintain Law and Order as per the provision of the Country's Constitution. But the national media belonging to big industrial houses in league with the state of West Bengal seemed to have deliberately ignored that very statement of Asok Bhattacherjee. Hence, the skipping of the dangerous portent contained in the statement of a responsible minister, Asok Bhattacherjee could be easily understood that the people making a demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland within India was on the making of a minority. As the developed and pseudo advanced ruling majority of the state of West Bengal was totally against the demand and were more into promoting regionlistic chauvinism. Thus, in this way a war like situation had been drawn between the homeland aspirant Gorkhas and the advanced and ruling Bengali community in the state of West Bengal. In this war, the intelligentsia of Darjeeling is found to have been infested with heavy inertness due to political, diplomatic and administrative exercise carried by the ultra chauvinistic Bengali nationals who are not ready even for a moment to accept the incontrovertible facts and figures based on the solid foundations of historical, legal, geographical, ethnical, political and constitutional realities favouring the Indian Gorkhas. But, it has been observed that they are unmindful and pretending to be ignorant on the loyalty of Indian Gorkhas towards mother India by shedding their blood, tears and sweat. The Indian Gorkhas too have udeniably contributed in making India the world's largest and vibrant democracy.

It has been mentioned in the preceding Para the decision to observe fast-unto-death but was obstructed in Siliguri by the district administration at Darjeeling More on 1st may 08. However, the next day a good number of participants with a seizable numbers of supporters were moving on the hill cart road to reach the premises of Sub-divisional office were severely beaten and humiliated before the public in an organized way. The scene was so barbaric that the ladies too were beaten, thrashed and kicked in a broad day light. But the police instead of apprehending the assailants arrested more than two thousand people belonging to the Gorkha community for the reason best known to the ruling CPM. It is being perceived that the role of the administration and CPM was fermenting communal tension in Siliguri where near about twenty thousand people from Darjeeling district and Dooars had assembled at Pintail village and were marching towards Siliguri on 3rd. May 08 by pushing the police cordon and this sounded an alarm within district administration. Thus, seeing the mood of the people and the gravity of the situation the district administration found no option but to succumb and allow the assembled people to go upto Dagapur and accordingly granted permission to participate in the hunger strike at Darjeeling More in defiance to the diktat of the CPM. On that day when the assembled people were marching towards Siliguri from Pintail Village by breaking the police cordon reportedly a stone had hit the sub-divisional officer Smitha Pandey, at Dagapur. Some of Bengala News Channel immediately had flashed the report in its footage as the District Magistrate; Smita Pandey sustained brick injury thrown by one of the marchers. The next day after covering the events the Telegraph wrote "a police barricade, comprising around 300 personnel guarded the highway bringing traffic to a standstill for around three hours. The interception triggered a heated exchange of words. A stone thrown by one of the marchers hit Siliguri sub- divisional officer Smita Pandey on her shoulder". Thus the electronic media did not know the diffrence between a brick and the stone, as well as the identity of the stone hit official. Despite such inciting reportage, the sagacity of the leaders of GJMM could not be undermined and after the realization of the seriousness of the situation by the administrative heads called a meeting in Siliguri Circuit House where permission was granted to GJMM to hold a public meeting AT INDIRA GANDHI MAIDAN ON 7TH MAY 08 FROM 11 TO 4 P.M with the imposition of several conditions that were to be observed by GJMM FOR THE PUBLIC MEETING. The three days time was far too inadequate to organize a public meeting by honouring the conditionalities imposed by the district administration. However, the turnover of the people on the day of the public meeting at Indira Gandhi Maidan was far from the expectation of the administration and the organizers, as it was the largest assembly of people in a public meeting as recorded in the history of Siliguri. On the day of the meeting Amra Bengali and Bengala Bhasa Bachau Samity, reportedly a brain child of minister Asok Bhattacherjee and backed by a section of the administrative officials had called twenty four hours strike in Siliguri against the rally and public meeting of GJMM. But despite the strike in parts of Siliguri the whole city was weighed down by the convoy, rally and the supporters of GJMM. The meeting was jointly addressed by leaders of GJMM, KAMTAPURI PEOPLES' FRONT and GREATER COOCH BEHER MOVEMENT COMMITTEES in a most orderly, well disciplined and peaceful manner. The meeting explicitly proved the contention and argument of the administration that the holding of meeting by GJMM would result into communal violence and tension in Siliguri as a false and concocted propaganda. While addressing the meeting the GJMM president, Bimal Gurung had issued an ultimatum of seven days to the district administration for arresting the culprits who had thrashed the innocent GJMM supporters at Hill Cart Road while on their way to Sub-divisional office on 2nd May 08. But the ultimatum was seen to have been responded by CPM as "on 9 April, a day after explosives were found in a house in Mallaguri, a resident of the area, Amal Khawas, lodged an FIR with the Pradhannagar police station. In it, Khawas said the owner of the house, Ganga Majhi, was an active Morcha worker and its leader Rosan Giri frequently visited the house, said Jibitesh Sarkar, a senior district leader of CPM. Khawas also stated that the explosives were brought here by the Morcha supporters as a part of plot to eliminate local CPM leaders, claimed Sarkar, who is one of the three CPM leaders whom the Morcha wants arrested". (The Telegraph dated 9thMay 08 published from Siliguri, Emphasis mine). Further, the same Telegraph had written while unfolding the report as "the CPM dug up three FIRs lodged in the hills and plains against some Gorkha Janamukti Leaders and urged police to act on them. Observers said the move was in retaliation to the Morcha's seven-day deadline to the police for arresting the three CPM leaders involved in the incident of May 2, when supporters of the hill party were assaulted in Siliguri. The Morcha had set the deadline yesterday at its public meeting here". Emphasis added. Thus, the blast of explosives in Siliguri was being seen to have been used after more than a month by the CPM as bulwark to their heinous act of beating and assaulting the ladies in public. When the series of blast of explosive had taken place in Siliguri there was apprehension in the saner and informed circle that the act could be a master design of some of the influential circle in connivance with a section of government officials, as a ploy to malign the people and organizations who were demanding a separate state of Gorkhaland in India. The involvement of Rosan Giri in the blast of explosives and its REVEALATION to the public after more than a month through media influence could easily be understood as the concurrence of the civil and police administration for working in tandem with the wishes of the ruling party in the state of West Bengal ruled by CPM. But, however as a means of attempted projection of an independent face of the police, they arrested six people on 9th May from periphery of Siliguri in connection to the thrashing of the ladies belonging to GJMM, ON 2 MAY 08 . The arrest described as "an eye-wash only" by the GJMM as the police had not dared to arrest the leaders of the CPM whose names were specifically mentioned in the FIR by the complainant on the shameful incident of 2nd May 08.

The GJMM with the help and support of the people was persistently claiming Siliguri to be a part of their proposed Gorkhaland and the CPM of Siliguri more rightly the minister Asok Bhattacherjee adopted a "measure" to counter the claim of GJMM, by organising this rally after every three days. Externally as a showpiece the rally was to mention communal harmony in Siliguri between the people of Hills and Plains, but internally it was to incite the people against GJMM and its demand and that was the order of the day in Siliguri town. But realizing its ineffectiveness the minister was engaged in diplomacy, politicking, conspiracy and use of administrative machineries to suit his design and interests. The glaring example of this endeavour was the beating of ex-servicemen and ladies at Siliguri with impunity, issuance of statement by his lackeys and tenderloin in the name of intellectuals of Siliguri and opposing the movement of GJMM. The CPRM being fully aware of the move of CPM and its minister Asok Bhattacharjee took a step for dialogue with the saner people and parties of Siliguri. It also prompted the intellectuals associated with the other political parties to hold a rally on 3rd May 08 against the assault on ladies in Siliguri on 2nd. May 08. And, one of the participants "Mr. Bani Prasad Mishra, a retired director, Centre for Himalayan Studies, North Bengal University, said that a solution to the vexed Darjeeling Hill crisis would continue to elude so as the administration remained partisan in dealing with a democratic movement. A political problem must be solved by political means principally through dialogue based on restraint and understanding. Hooliganism has no role in a democratic system of politics Mr. Mishra said. Prof Ajit Roy of North Bengal University also castigated the administration for having remained mute spectators while some political activists had gone berserk in tyranising over innocent people belonging to particular ethnic community on 2nd May" (The Statesman, lead news in its Bengal & Sikkim plus dated 5th May 08, but Emphasis mine). But the intellectuals of Darjeeling despite having their aspiration and urges for having a separate state of Gorkhaland seemed to have been cowed down by the subtle move of the minister Asok Bhattacherjee. As they were being in the know of the undemocratic and dictatorial move pursued by the district administration, they did not come forward to register their protest. They uttererly failed in taking a lesson from Bengal's intellectuals and celebrities who had come to the street against the highhandedness of the police in Nandigram and elsewhere. In Darjeeling it was only Nanda Hangkhim who dared to revolt and as a mark of protest had returned the BHANUBHAKTA AWARD given to him in 2004 by the Bangla Academy for his service to the cause of Nepali Language and literature. But other recipients of the Awards were seen thunder-struck for they were neither supporting nor opposing the return of Bhanubhakta Award by Nanda Hangkhim. Rather they seemed unconcerned on the move of Refunding the Bhanubhakta Award. This was truely a sorry state of affairs, giving ample scope to the future generation, to debate over the subject.

The story of origin, development and the course followed by the BHANU BHAKTA AWARD being fuelled by politics could be written in short as follows. THE LEFT FRONT, A CONGLOMERATION OF DIFFERENT POLITTICAL PARTIES, CONSTITUED UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF COMMUNIST PARTY OF INDIA [MARXIST] ABBRIEVATED CPM INSTALLED ITS GOVERNMENT IN WEST BENGAL IN 1977. The left front prior coming to power had announced and incorporated in its election manifesto that they would constitute Academy for different languages, which was prevalent and use in the state, for their protection and promotion. And, on being elected to power Urdu Academy was formed for the first time in West Bengal. In Darjeeling, the formation of the Urdu Academy was followed by the constitution of Nepali Academy, due to persistent request and appeal made by some of the Nepali writers associated with the CPM. But there were wide differences in the Autonomous Character and Fund Allocation in between the two Academies. In spite of having scant power and fund, the Nepali Academy had initiated some progressive measures of causing publication of books written by a number Nepali writers as well as the translation from other languages into Nepali. The Nepali academy while doing its works of promoting language, literature, art, culture with limited resources had a short span of life. After working for seven years, the Nepali Academy was forced to be a defunct body due to the Gorkhaland Movement under the leadership of Subash Ghisingh, who tried every possible means to brand the Nepali Academy as a real opposer to the demand of Gorkhaland. After the vitriolic campaign against the members of Nepali Academy, continued the members took the option of disassociating themselves from the academy and this lead to an automatic dissolution of the academy. But during its existence the Nepali Academy had awarded a sum of Rupees Five Thousand as BHANU AWARD and CITATION to the following individuals for their outstanding contribution in the field that they were associated with. The first BHANU AWARD was given in the year 1979 and awardee was the revolutionary poet AGAMSINGH GIRI who was posthumously honoured. The Second Bhanu Award recipient were INDRA SUNDAS in literature for his novel JUNELI REKHA, and in the field of drama was MOHAN THAPA, in arts BIRENDRA SUBBA and in classical songs MANICK CHANDRA PRADHAN were the recipients.The third BHANUAWARD was distributed in the year 1981 on the occasion of BHANU JAYANTI in the following order. In literature M.M GURUNG for his work BIRSEEYEKO SANSKRITI, for arts B.R. GURUNG, for music INDRA THAPATHALIA and for drama, HARKAMAN LAMA.

Recipients of the fourth BHANU AWARD 1982 were in literature KAMALA SANSKRITIYAN for her book VICHAR ANI VIVECHANA, for music ARUNA LAMA, for drama and dance RANJIT GHISING. But in that year in place of art LALDAS RAI was awarded the Bhanu award for his exceptional talent in sculpture.

The BHANU AWARD for the year 1983 was awarded in the following manner. In literature Dr KUMAR PRADHAN for his book PHAILO PAHAR, for music SHANTI THATAL, for arts BHUTTO PRADHAN and in place of drama D.B.PARIYAR as a producer of First Nepali Film.

In the year 1984 RAJNARAYAN PRADHAN for his literary work VISHWAKA DASH MAHAN NATAK, for classical music, the renowned Tabla badak and guitarist TRIRATNA TULADHAR, for drama Sri P.S. LAMA and for arts Late KRISHNA SUBBA posthumously were awarded the BHANU AWARD.

Prof. LILABAHADUR CHETTRI of Assam for literature, HIRA KUMAR SINGH of Bombay for drama, KARMA YONJAN for music and PREM KESHI for arts were awarded BHANU AWARD for the year 1985.

The last BHANU AWARD was given in the year 1986 in spite of stiff opposition from GNLF as it had given a call to boycott the Award. The recipients were SARAD CHHETTRI for literature, HIRADEVI WAIBA for music and JAYANTA BOMJAN for drama. For arts, TEZU SUBBA was awarded posthumously. But, on the day of the BHANU AWARD JAYANTA BOMJAN did not turn up for receiving the award on account of physical threat and had boycotted the award but the other three recipients remained present and received the awards.

But almost after a gap of sixteen years it was announced that the BHANU AWARD raised to the tune of RUPEES TWENTYFIVE THOUSAND would be awarded from the Bhanujayanti 2002. In order to select the awardees a five member committee comprising Dr.Lakhidevi Sundas, Dr Gokul Sinha, Dr Ghanashyam Nepal, Prof.Haren Ghosh and CPM leader Tulsi Bhattarai formed the members as per report published in the Weekly Sagarmatha on Sunday June 23-29, 2002.

The Municipality minister Asok Bhattacharya had made an announcement in the first week of July 2002 that the award would be given to Sri Indra Bahadur Rai for his contribution towards the cause of Nepali literature. But on the day of BHANU JAYANTI 2002 the award was not been given as had been announced and had been declared previously and the same would be given on 15thNovember 2002 after organizing a programme at the Loreto College Hall. Accordingly on the given date the function was presided over by Pijus Kanti the vice chancellor of North Bengal University and the award was handed over by Minister Asok Bhattacharya. But the award, on account of non-existence of a Nepali Academy, was from Bengla Academy and the citation was from the chief minister Buddhadeo Bhattacharya.

The Bhanu Award for the year 2003 was granted and awarded on 29th.Nov. 2003 to Sri Himandas Rai for his continued service in the field of Nepali Literature in a function held in the auditorium of Loreto College. The function was presided over by Sri Indrabahadur Rai and the award was handed over by Minister Ashok Bhattacharya.

The Bhanu Award for the year 2004 was given to Sri Nanda Hangkhim for his continuous service to upkeep Nepali Literature.

Sri Badrinarayan Pradhan was given the Bhanu Award for the year 2005 on 4th November 2006 in the auditorium of Loreto College by Ashok Bhattacharya in a function presided over by Krishna Singh Moktan. Suraj Pathak, Rajya Sabha Member, the Secretary, Information and Cultural Department of the government of West Bengal and Rajesh Pandey the District Magistrate, Darjeeling were the guests of honour of the function.

Thus there were host of recipients of Bhanu Bhakta Award belonging to different disciplines and faculties but it is only Nanda Hangkhim who refunded the AWARD in protest against the brutal treatment faced by the ex-service men in the hands of the West Bengal police, when they were leading a peaceful, well organized and disciplined procession on 9th April 08 at Darjeeling More, Siliguri. It was really a matter of concern that the other recipients were seen neither supporting nor opposing the stand taken by Nanda Hangkhim. Thus, it seemed that the intellectuals were not prepared to fight against the onslaught unleashed by the advanced, developed and ruling community against the national minority who had held the awardees to be the pivots of their society. But in Siliguri few educated lackeys of CPM leadership declaring themselves as the intellectuals of the area had issued a press statement opposing the demand of Gorkhaland. Further, they were seen organizing a signature campaign on 12th May 08 in Siliguri against the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland in the name of an organization called JAN JAGARAN MANCH OF unenlightened INTELLECTUALS OF SILIGURI. The move was clearly a stigma against the formation of separate state of Gorkhaland which was advocated on the basis of geo-political, historical, administrative, ethnical and constitutional provisions as applicable in India. But the intellectuals, legal professionals, technicians, bureaucrats, academicians, artists and other professionals who were aspiring to have a separate state of Gorkhaland within India as per the provision of the Article 1-3 (c) of the Indian constitution were seen to be incipid and spineless before the might of the draconian move. There were social, cultural and other organizations functioning for years together in other sub-divisions of the district purportedly for the wellbeing of Indian Gorkhas. But it was seen that the intellectuals belonging to Bengali community held a rally against the highhandedness of administration and CPM in Siliguri but Darjeeling being the epicenter and work field of the socio-political, musical, educational and literary activities and a cultural Mecca for the Indian Gorkhas, where Nepali Sahitya Sammelan and Gorkha Dukha Nivarak Sammelan, the only premier organizations of Indian Nepalis as its conscience keepers, were seen to be indifferent towards the perverted designs against the Indian Gorkhas by the educationally, culturally, economically, socially and administratively advanced state of West Bengal. Similar organizations were seen functioning in Kalimpong and Kurseong but they too were indifferent towards the undemocratic rather uncivilized happenings in Siliguri. Besides them, there were mushrooming organizations on the basis of cast and sub-cast for the socio-economic safeguards of the members belonging to the respective organizations, that were headed by educated, saner and retired officials. But all of them had remained mute spectators. Similarly outside Darjeeling, the Indian Gorkhas were bereft of speech and action when the beating, stoning, thrashing of Indian Gorkha Ex-servicemen and kicking of Gorkha ladies in Siliguri were shown by the electronic media. Even Sikkim a neighbouring state of Darjeeling, and the government in the state was headed by Sikkim Democratic Front that had come to power in Sikkim with a campaign to restore Democracy, was also dumb when on a broad-day -light Democracy was slaughtered in the streets of Siliguri. Thus, it was seen that they all looked sheepish before the might of the advanced community ruling the state of West Bengal. However, in presence of such horrible socio-political-administrative panorama prevailing before the majestic Kanchanjunga, it was only the Communist Party of Revolutionary Marxists headed by R.B. Rai, ex-member of Parliament that came down heavily through electronic and print media on CPM and its government for administrative highhandedness that was backed by Government with the assistance of the CPM cadres for crushing Democracy under its foot in Siliguri.

But following the successful 7th May 08 Public Meeting in Siliguri, Indira Gandhi Maidan. The report revealed that due to differences the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha disbanded AGSU on 10th May 08 despite it being an affiliated student union of the Morcha. The affiliated student union had completed a successful Padayatra from Darjeeling to Sunkosh for highlighting the areas for which GJMM was proposing to carve a separate state of Gorkhaland and the PADAYATRIS were flagged off by GJMM president Bimal Gurung who had also reached Sunkosh on the day of completion of successful padayatra and had greeted and felicitated the padayatris, in a ceremony held on 3rd May 08 for their successful completion of the journey. And, the organization such as Hill Secondary Teachers' Association,(HOSTA) Hill Employees Association (HEA), Casual Employees Association(CEA) and several other Trade Union were voluntarily functioning as associate units of GJMM for strengthening hands of GJMM and push forward the movement to form a separate state of Gorkhaland. But after a meeting of the GJMM leaders on 16th May 08 it issued a diktat to change the flag and prefix GJMM to the nomenclature of Casual Employees Association. In the midst of such development the All India Gorkha League (ABGL) while observing its sixty five birth anniversary had held a public meeting on 15th May 08 at Chowk Bazar, Darjeeling. In the said meeting, the ABGL distributed copies of a letter dated 28th November 2005 sent by the Kamtapur Progressive Party (KPP) to the home ministry three years ago. The letter read as… "the domiciled Gorkhas who are presently living in the hill region of Darjeeling actually are not Indians, nor are they recognized as ST. Historically, during the British rule in India, the Gorkha were brought to the region by the British Government for extension and development of tea industry". The Telegraph dated 16th May 08. Thus, it became understandable that in the name of observing anniversary the ABGL was seen to be hammering a wedge between the GJMM and Kamtapur Progressive Party who had recently formed an alliance for extending support to each other, in the struggle for achieving a separate state for the respective communities for whom they were fighting and leading the movement. Further with regard to the proposal for review of Indo-Nepal peace and friendship treaty 1950. The Maoist after its recent victory in the election to the constituent assembly of Nepal had raised the demand. The CPRM had welcomed the proposal, Madan Tamang; the ABGL president had stated that no Indian Gorkhas should speak on the issue, as there were forty thousand Indian Gorkhas who were working in Nepal. The review of that treaty and introduction of Passport would cause their exodus to Darjeeling. Here too the ABGL under the leadership of Madan Tamang is seemed to have ignored and deliberately or accidentally overlooked the intricate and detrimental augury contained in Clause Seven and Eight of that very treaty would permanently create confusion between the Indian Gorkhas and domiciled Nepalis. The former attached to the soil for generations together. While the latter, on the basis of the said clause had made a fresh entry into the country in search of greener pastures. To differentiate the two, a distinct line needs to be drawn. As the clause seven of that very Treaty states "The Government of India and Nepal agree to grant, on a reciprocal basis, to the nationals of one country in the territories of the another same privileges in the matter of residence, ownership of properties, participation in trade and commerce, movement and other privileges of a similar nature." Thus as per the provision mentioned above the Indian Gorkhas in India having similar facial appearances, physical build up and other trait has been misconceived as reciprocal citizenship of India, whereas no other Indian has such reciprocal citizenship. Thus, India being recognised as the largest Democracy in the world where among the bonafide citizens it is only her Nepali Speaking Indian Citizens seem to have been made the Reciprocal Citizen by clause seven of Indo-Nepal Treat 1950. As a result of this skeptical clause the Indian- ness and their loyalty towards the nation are often being raised. This has in effect become a handy too for the unscruplous politicians and a band of regional chauvanists, to exploit and marginalise the Indian Gorkhas with a narrow parochial design. This sinister clause has become a matter of grave concern for the Indian Gorkhas. The adverse effect of this clause can be mitigated only by creating the separate state of Gorkhand. Hence, the people despite being the citizens of India with Mongoloid origin are subjected to humiliation, torture, extortion and expulsion from different region of India as in North-Eastern India. However, it is not only the people with Mongoloid origin who are facing expulsion from North-Eastern India but there are other instances too but people belonging to different linguistic group to have been expelled. But in such expulsion the state governments of the expelled people are seen to be taking a good care of their expelled people by raising hue and cry over the matter. But in the case of harassment and expulsion of Nepali Speaking Indians no voice of protest from any government has ever been heard. In this manner, when Indian Gorkhas become a victim of politically designed and administratively maneuvoured apparatus they feel neglected, isolated and forlorn in India, where Democracy is a way of life. But it remains silent on the plight, sufferings and oppression imposed on them by their fellow countrymen. In some parts of India for minor differences on issues, they make mountains out of a mole hill, and threaten to recede from the Indian Union. However their voice is heard and dealt with palliative measures from the right level. But in the case of the Indian Gorkhas no such voices have been raised, ever. And despite being socio-politically emaciated through a systematic devise for years, they continue to have an unflinching loyalty to India and unwavering faith on its constitution to have a Homeland of their own in India. This would serve as a final and ultimate panacea to ride off the sufferings, plights, oppression and a sense of insecurity by establishing national identity. As the plights, sufferings and oppression have been further complicated by academic and simple misunderstanding of the Clause Eight of Indo-Nepal Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 which reads as "So far as matters dealt with herein are concerned, the Treaty cancels all previous treaties, agreements, and engagements entered into on behalf of India between the British Government and the Government of Nepal." The cancellation of all previous treaties, agreements and engagements made between British Government of India and Nepal means that near about one third of the land approximately eighteen thousand kilometres and its people belonging to erstwhile Nepal were made parts of British India through the Treaty of Segowlee 1815 stands cancelled. As the Article Three of the Segowlee Treaty 1815 by which the lands and people residing there were ceded to the British India by Nepal reads as "The Rajah of Nipal hereby cedes to the Honourable the East India Company in perpetuity all the undermentioned territories, viz- First-The whole of the low lands between the Rivers Kali and Rapti. Secondly- The whole of the low lands (with the exception of Bootwal Khass) lying between the Rapti and the Gunduck. Thirdly- the whole of the low lands between the Gunduck and Coosah in which the authority of the British Government has been introduced, or is in actual course of introduction. Fourthly- All the Low Lands between the Rivers Mitchee and the Teesta. Fifthly- All the territories within the hills eastward of the River Mitchee including the fort and lands of Nagree and the Pass of Nagarcote leading from Morung into the hills, together with the territory lying between that Pass and Nagree. The aforesaid territory shall be evacuated by the troops within forty days from this date." The independence of India from the British yoke in 1947 had led to the formation India and Pakistan and both the countries had inheritated the land, people, assets and liabilities of the territories ruled, administered and governed by the British so as to form the respective two independent countries in the globe. Thus, the territories and people, brought into the British India by the Segowlee Treaty 1815 seemed to have clearly come under India on its attainment of independence on 15th August,1947. The territories and people included into the British India as per Segowlee Treaty 1815 were Darjeeling, Dheradun, Kamoun, Garwhal, Nalapani, Bhaksu and so on. Presently these areas have been constitutionally recognized by forming a Separate State of Uttaranchal within the union of India. Similarly the present three sub-divisions namely Darjeeling, Kurseong and Siliguri were taken by the British as per the Souglee Treaty 1815 and had restored to Sikkim but subsequently taken over from Sikkim in 1835 and following years. But the independent India while executing a Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 with Nepal is seen to have cancelled the Segowlee Treaty 1815 and the cancellation of that very treaty automatically implies the rejection of the inclusion of those region and people inhabitating the areas into the union of Independent India. Thus, it is seen that uncertainty is looming large over the region and its people. However, in case of Dheradun, Kamoun, Garwhal, Nalapani, Bhaksu so on the politico-administrative uncertainty seemed to have settled for ever by the formation of a separate state of Uttaranchal as a unit of Indian Union. Whereas the uncertainty emanated from the cancellation of the Segowlee Treaty 1815 and the same being over ruled by the Treaty of Peace and Friendship 1950 with Nepal, the region of Darjeeling, Kurseong alongwith Siliguri and its people have been kept in a limbo. Moreover, Kalimpong presently a sub-division of Darjeeling district and the Dooars region now forming a part of Jalpaiguri District were also brought into the British India by way of Sinchula Treaty 1865 with Bhutan by the British. And, the political issue has been further complicated by unnecessarily joining Darjeeling District and the Dooars region and its people to form the administrative unit of West Bengal in Independent India, as against the wishes of the people in residing in the areas. The whole region is historically, geographically, ethnically, culturally and politically different from the rest of West Bengal. Further, it is a naked fact that the people residing in the region had been struggling against British ruled Bengal as well as independent India's West Bengal since 1907. But the higher diplomacy and politico-administrative manuveouring supplemented by conspiracy of advanced nationality, the people and the region are forced to be under the subjugation of an advanced community. It is also an irony for the Indian Gorkhas that inspite of taking parts with all their resources at their disposal for the independent struggle and contributing in their own way in making modern India. The most commendable of the lot being the Gorkhas guarding and defending the nations's formidable and sensitive International borders. Yet their political fate dangles in uncertainty. The uncertainty in no case could be regarded good for the nation as the region comprising Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars is a distinct spot that separates Indian Union from Bhutan, China, Bangladesh and Nepal in its periphery. Thus, the region situated within the proximity of borders of four independent countries bears a significant logistic and strategic importance, and the people inhabitating such vital areas are struggling to be a part and parcel of Indian Union for several decades, by forming a separate state as per the provision of Indian Constitution. But the rulers of the nation seem least interested to fulfill the aspiration of the people and place solely on account of the irrational obstruction put forward by the state of West Bengal. The argument and logic against the demand for formation of separate state comprising Darjeeling Hills, Terai and Dooars as put forward by West Bengal is weak and untenable. The region as usurped by the West Bengal Government was historically, politically, ethnically, culturally and geographically never a part of British Bengal and independent India's West Bengal. But West Bengal in ndependent India is taking all the diplomatic and conspiratorial measures to keep the region under their administrative-political rule. Every half-hearted step and measure taken to woo the people of the region has only alienated them from the rule of West Bengal. The psychological, mental, emotional and political alienation started in 1907 and has been building into a Big Cauldron for the rulers who seemed callous, unmindful and indifferent to the wishes and aspiration of the people. However, it is said that there is always a Silver Lining in the dark clouds, and with respect to the regions century old issue there are several saner, wise, sagacious intellectuals in Bengali community who are lending support for a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas in Indian. A group of students from Presidency College, Kolkata visited Darjeeling and they have made video-films depicting justification of the demand for the formation of separate for Indian Gorkhas comprising Darjeeling, Terai and Dooars and the administrative highhandedness against the people making the demand. Many of the intellectuals belonging to different academic disciplines, from amongst the Bengali community are also found to have been discussing problems faced by Indian Gorkhas in India, on account of not having a designated place as their Homeland. Thus, a good number of intellectuals and celebrities and also some political parties operating in the plains of West Bengal who are being acquainted and informed of the history, geography, culture, ethnology of the place and people of late have started lending their support, by criticizing the role of the Left Front Government of West Bengal. But some of them namely a reputed writer and historian Soumen Nag, Abijit Majumdar political leader of Siliguri and renowned correspondent Jaidep Majumdar have had to face the brunt of the parochial, chauvinistic and bigoted communalists of West Bengal. However, their courage to oppose the deceit and reveal the truth will occupy an important place in the history of the Indian Gorkhas.

The Gorkha Janamukti Morcha in its nascent stage was seen to be very keen for maintaining the unity among of the different political parties operating in Darjeeling Hills for which it had held a meeting with the leaders and representatives of other political parties in Darjeeling. But the relation between All India Gorkha League (ABGL) led by Madan Tamang and GJMM gradually deteriorated due to inherent arrogance of Madan Tamang who was unable to tolerate the latters progress, in uniting the people from different walks of life for the greater and just cause. Amidst the differences, they were seen charging, scolding and leveling allegation against each other in public. In choosing a comrade in arms for isolating one by another, Madan Tamang was seen to have taken in some occasion the president of Bharatiya Janta Party (BJP) Darjeeling Hill Unit, Dr. G.S. Yonjan to his side. But Dr. G. S. Yonjan was a new entrant in politics as he had joined BJP after an unceremonious exit from the post of Chairman, School Service Commission, Darjeeling Hill Unit, it was appointment that had been made by the Left Front government of West Bengal, after his superannuation from the post of the Principal of Kalimpong College. Thus, he being a leader from Darjeeling Hills associated with the national Party, which had its governments with allies in more than half of the states of India, was not astute enough to play an effective role in the cause of a Homeland for Indian Gorkhas. In such problematic and unpredictable situation the role of Congress and its member of parliament from Darjeeling, Dawanarbula was seen to be inadequate as a result of his party's bridle on him for working as a bridge for rapprochement. Thus, the situation proved to be a boon for the CPM to exploit gains only from the role of deliberate or by an accident as played by the different parties as if it was at the discreet command from elsewhere. The CPRM being composed of saner, dedicated and experienced leaders, but in the absence of the educated and informed layers of society who are seen to have been inflicted by a sort of anathema against Communists, had been maintaining a fairly cordial relation with all the parties. As a result of fairplay, the CPRM had good relations with GJMM. But after an unexpected support from the people and by opening a dialogue with the chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, Government of West Bengal and having succeeded to oust Subash Ghisingh from the care-taker-ship of DGHC by stalling the proposed Sixth Schedule Bill for Darjeeling, there was a noticeable change of attitude in GJMM and its leaders towards the CPRM. However, it is seen from the print-media reports that CPRM was committed to lending unconditional support to the Democratic, Peaceful, Non-communal and Non-violent Movement of GJMM, for the achievement of a Separate State of Gorkhaland comprising of Darjeeling, Terai and the Dooars. But instead of appreciating the facts the GJMM through print media have issued threat and intimidation to other parties, who were also pursuing the demand of Gorkhaland. The Government of West Bengal was adverse and spiteful towards the activities of other parties too, but were more intent towards the CPRM, as it had become an eyesore in the eyes of the Government on account of commitment and sincerity that the CPRM had delivered for the cause of Gorkhaland.

In the prevailing scenario of political uncertainty, the GJMM and the administrator DGHC, B.L. Meena held meetings that produced and circulated gossip; talks and news of allotment of contracts to many of the hardcore GJMM activists, and the same had the bearing of some truth. The allotment of contract works on the recommendation of GJMM had many interpretations in political circles, as some had attributed it a compulsion of GJMM for keeping the hardcore loyal together through the allotment of some works. And others were of the view that the assignment of works to the hardcore GJMM as a subtle weapon used by the administration at the behest of government. A few were of the belief that the issue of separate state of Gorkhaland for GJMM was nothing but like external ivory of an elephant for exposition. In the flow and circulation of such varied rumours, the West Bengal government invited for talks on 22nd. May 08, in Kolkata. Accordingly a four member delegation comprising Amar Lama, Rosan Giri, Pradip Pradhan and Dr.Harkabahadur Chhettri all Central Committee Members of GJMM held an hour long meeting with the Chief -minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee in his chamber at the Writers' Building. While reporting the outcome of the meeting the Statesman wrote-"In an apparent warning to the Gorkha Janamukti Morcha (GJMM), the state government today asked the party to sever ties with other separatist groups while catagocally stating that any demand for inclusion of Siliguri and Dooars in the proposed Gorkha state would not be considered. The GJMM leaders today met the chief minister and handed over a map of the proposed Gorkhaland which included, apart from Siliguri, the entire Dooars area." (The Statesman, 23rd. May 08). (Italicization mine). Further, the Home secretary, Asok Mohan Chakrabarti told the press that "Buddhadev Bhattacharjee asked the Morcha to steer clear of organizations like Kamtapur Progressive Party and Greater Cooch Behar Democratic Party. Both want Cooch Behar district to be declared a state and are supporting the Morcha in its Gorkhaland demand" (The Telegraph, dated 23 May 2008).Thus, it is clear from the reportage carried by the Statesman and the Telegraph that the chief minister out rightly rejected the demand for inclusion of Siliguri and Dooars in the proposed state of Gorkhaland without giving any valid reason but further warned not to be associated with the parties that is not liked by him. Had it been under his capacity he would have banned the parties that was not liked by him but being unable to ban the parties not liked by him in a democratic set-up of India, he seemed to have warned the GJMM to sever its ties with the Kamtapur Progressive Party and Greater Cooch Behar Democratic Party and others. India being a country having a continental geo-political dimension the existence and functioning of innumerable big and small political parties is the hallmark of its political credibility, which had been growing even prior to the country attaining its independence. The existence and functioning of multi-party democracy is the singular achievement and supreme political paragon of India that stands as an example before the world. Hence, it is the political liberty of any party that is not banned by the government to choose its allies for moving along to realize the goal. But in the case of Darjeeling Hills, the chief minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee and his government is seemed to be dictating the choice of an ally. By the logical conclusion, it seems that their guidance was to sever ties with other parties that are branded and identified as Separatists. Thus, it could be nothing but bullying and bulldozing the national minority inhabitating the state of West Bengal that is ruled by big and chauvinistic nationals. Further the demand for a separate state of Gorkhaland is based on the historical, geographical, cultural, ethnical and political facts and realities that attracts the article 1-3 of the Indian Constitution. The ultimate authority for granting or rejecting the separate state of Gorkhaland as a Homeland to Indian Gorkhas is the Parliament of India and not Buddhadev Bhattacherjee, the Chief-Minister of West Bengal. Thus, instead of being diplomatic and tactful in dealing with the sensitive issue related to the aspiration of the people who are overwhelmingly favouring a separate state of Gorkhaland, he seemed to be allergic and adamant. The dialogue with the GJMM delegation could have been taken as a chance for assuaging the feelings and sentiment that were severely hurt on account of unmindful and callous administrative measures in Siliguri in the preceding days. But the government of West Bengal and its administrative layer which is manned by different set of community other than the one that is making the demand of Gorkhaland seems to have taken a rigid stand against the demand. Despite knowing that the issue of separate state of Gorkhaland could only be resolved by the Parliament which is the supreme law making body of the country and its function being determined by its citizens. As in the case of the demand of constitutional recognition of Nepali Language the Prime-minister of India, Morarji Desai had rejected the demand terming the Nepali Language as a Foreign Language. But, later on Language got the Constitutional Recognition through the will of the Parliament of India. Similarly, Laluprasad Yadav, the chief-minister of Bihar while opposing the demand of separate state for Jharkhandis had stated that the division of Bihar for the formation of separate state of Jharkhand would only be possible over his dead body. But the Parliament of India formed the separate state of Jharkhand by dividing Bihar and Laluprasad Yadav is still alive despite losing his chief-minister-ship and holding the portfolio as a successful Indian Railway minister in the 14th Lok Sabha. It is not only that but the same Laluprasad Yadav was seen in the election held for the Assembly of newly formed Jharkhand state begging for votes in favour of candidates fielded by his party. Thus, in spite of having such glorious records of the supremacy and paramountacy of Indian Parliament as well as democratic system and culture of great India, the government of West Bengal led by the Marxist chief-minister, Buddhadev Bhattacherjee and his party seemed to be bent upon to oppose the demand of separate state of Gorkhaland for Indian Gorkhas in a most unrealistic, unreasonable and uncompromising manner which is also against the established and declared Marxian philosophical stand and practice. But still they are to be regarded as Marxist whereas the true and dedicated Marxists may be ashamed to witness the bad presidium set by a coterie of semi-fascists in Marxist cloaks.

The threatened indefinite strike announced by GJMM was scheduled to be resumed from 7th July 08 after the expiry of the relaxation period that was to be followed by replacing the WB Registration Numbers to GL for Vehicles plying within Darjeeling District and Dooars region. But on 5th July 08 the GJMM made announcement of the postponement of the indefinite general strike till 7th August 08. However, they called for observance of strikes in the DGHC, Municipalities, Central and State Governments Offices. Further the replacement of the Registration number of vehicles from WB to GL was made obligatory for the vehicles owned and used by the Central Committee Members of GJMM only. The strike in offices and the use of GL number plates by GJMM leadership were mentioned as a pressure to the government of West Bengal for organizing Tripartite Meeting in Delhi on the issue of Gorkhaland in which the GJMM was seemed to have intended of taking the All Party Delegation for Talk to press the creation of a Separate State of Gorkhaland, comprising Darjeeling District and Dooars region. But on 7th July 08 Priminister, Dr. Manmohan Singh was scheduled to leave for Japan to attend G-8 Summit comprising Japan, Germany, Italy, England, France, Canada, Russia and America. In the Summit India and China were also invited as India had given the Draft Safeguard Agreement to the board of Governors of INTERNATIONAL ATOMIC ENERGY AGENCY and it meant the finalization of Nuclear Deal with America, for which there were wrangles and squabbles for several months between the UPA Government led by Dr. Manmohan Singh and the Left Front that was supporting the government from outside with its 59 members of the Lok Sabha. The core issue of the dispute was that the Left Front was of the view that the Nuclear Deal with America would be detrimental to the national interest of India, whereas the UPA government had been claiming that the Nuclear Deal would be signed in the larger interest of India. The Left Front issued an ultimatum to the UPA government to clarify its stand by 7th July 08; it implied that the presence of Prime-minister in the G-8 Summit would make the left withdraw its support to the UPA government. But undermining the threat of Left Front the Prime-minister, Dr. Manmohan Singh proceeded with determination, stating that there was no danger to his government. In the earlier occasion the government was seen to have succumbed and back-tracked, instead of proceeding ahead with the Nuclear Deal as and when the threat of withdrawal of support had come from the secretary of CPM, Prakash Karat. But this time the Congress seemed to have been well prepared so as to enlist the support of the members of Parliament belonging to different parties other than its ever pestering ally, for the survival of UPA government, in the event of the withdrawal of support by the Left Front. After the withdrawal of Support by the Left Front, the sworn political enemies BJP and CPM started demanding confidence vote in Parliament to the UPA Government in unison. In compliance to the democratic norms, the UPA Government convened two days session of Parliament on 21st-22nd July 08, inspite of beginning a scheduled session of Parliament from 11th August 08. Thereafter the result was known to the country.
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