Ethnic Federalism in a Dominant Party State: The Ethiopian Experience 1991-2000 Lovise Aalen r 2002: 2

The dynamics of regional and central party power – examples
from tigray and snnprs
The last parts of this chapter will explore the implementation of a federal
system in two selected regions, Tigray and SNNPRS. Both regions are governed
by ERPDF parties and the regional governments are considered to be relatively
self-sustained and capable of handling own affairs. Nevertheless, the two
regions differ fundamentally from each other, both in ethnic and political
composition. An analysis of the implications of these differences will contribute
to the understanding of how the same political framework, the federal system,
is implemented differently in two different regional contexts and how the
informal political network determines the functioning of the Ethiopian federal
system. Tigray is ethnically a relatively homogeneous state with a strong
regional party. The TPLF is the senior partner in the ruling coalition on federal
level and dominates the central government. SNNPRS is ethnically
heterogeneous and has a rather weak regional party competing for power with
opposition parties. It is the only region in the Ethiopian federation apart from
Addis Ababa where opposition parties have gained substantial support and
have been able to challenge the EPRDF in elections
29
. The southern EPRDF
member, the Southern Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Front (SEPDF), is a
coalition of several ethnic-based parties which were united in 1994. Together
with the OPDO, SEPDF is the weakest part of the ruling EPRDF coalition and
is consequently dominated by the TPLF.
The overall question in this part of my analysis is what implications the
differences between Tigray and SNNPRS have on federal-regional relations in
the two states. Several particular issues connected to this will be discussed.
Firstly, is the creation of Tigray and SNNPRS as federal units a reflection of
the interests of the party in power at federal level? Secondly, how does the
status of the regional party affect the extent to which the central party
apparatus intervenes in daily regional affairs? And finally, do these party
dynamics have any impact on the empowerment of sub-regional structures in
the two regional states?
The bases for creating Tigray and SNNPRS as federal units
Tigray and SNNPRS have very different bases for being created as federal
units. Tigray has a relatively long prehistory as an administrative unit, while
SNNPRS as a unit was created as late as in 1994. SNNPRS is the third most
populous regional state in Ethiopia and includes some of the most densely
29
Re-elections had to be conducted in several constituencies in SNNPRS during the elections in
2000 because of undue interventions from ruling party representatives. Finally, the southern-
based opposition parties Southern Ethiopian Peoples Democratic Coalition, Hadiya National
Democratic Organisation and Council of Alternative Forces for Peace and Democracy
achieved nine seats in the House of Peoples’ Representatives at federal level ( Pausewang and
Tronvoll 2000).

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populated areas in the country. It is also the most ethnically heterogeneous
state in the federation, with more than fifty ethnic groups (Central Statistical
Authority 1998: 73). During the rule of Haile Selassie and the Derg, the areas
were administered from the centre through a province and awraja structure and
divided into three major entities, Gemo-Gofa, Kefa and Sidamo.
30
When the
EPRDF came to power in 1991, the areas became organised into five regions,
given numbers from 7 to 11 and included Sidama, Wolaita, Omo, Kaffa, and
Guraghe-Hadya-Kambata. In 1994, the five regions were merged into one and
the new region was named the Southern Nations, Nationalities and Peoples
Regional State (SNNPRS).
Tigray region included initially parts of the highlands in Eritrea, but after
Italian colonisation of Eritrea at the end of the 19
th
century, these parts were
separated and the remainder of Tigray became an exclusively Ethiopian
province. The central parts of Tigray have a long history of unity and have
been ruled as one entity under Haile Selassie and the Derg. The region
experienced de facto autonomy from the central state during the struggle
against Derg, when the TPLF controlled parts of the area and finally was in
command of the entire region in 1989. During the struggle against the Derg,
the historically significant local affiliations based in Adwa, Agame and Inderta
were watered down in favour of a strong and united Tigrayan front, the TPLF.
Although local identifications are still at work today, the majority of the
inhabitants perceive themselves first and foremost as Tigrayans.
The creation of Tigray as a federal unit is apparently a natural consequence
of its prehistory, ethnic homogeneity and coherent political organisation. When
it comes to SNNPRS, however, it is more of a puzzle why the southern areas
were created as one federal unit and not as several, when the areas are so
diverse and include so many distinct ethnic groups and large territories. During
my data collection in the south, many people expressed dissatisfaction with the
fact that the southern areas were administered as one, while for instance the
Harari people, which are in number around ten per cent of the population in
SNNPRS (see table 6.1), have their own federal unit. In order to understand the
reasons behind the merger of the five southern regions in 1994, it is necessary
to explore the political development in the region in the period after the EPRDF
took power. Just before the regional merger took place, several EPRDF
affiliated parties in the region established one common political front, the
SEPDF, and became a member of the EPRDF coalition. When the parties were
united across the five southern regions, it was also desirable to have one
parallel administrative structure in the south. Regional officials claim that the
merger of the regions came as a result of the regional party members’ desire to
utilise common resources and manpower in their respective administrations
(Interview Taye Amberbir, July 2000). Opposition politicians, however, claim
that the merger was an outcome of pressure from the central party, which had
a clear strategy of obtaining a firmer grip of regional affairs in the south. The
EPRDF preferred to control the troublesome southern areas through one rather
than several federal units (Interview Beyene Petros, June 2000).
30
Parts of SNNPRS also belonged to other provinces like Bale, Arsi, Shoa and Illubabor.

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