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1 For instance, see Cemil Koçak, Türk-Alman İlişkileri : 1923-1939 (Ankara: Türk Târih Kurumu, 1991); Dilek Barlas, “Friends or Foes: Diplomatic Relations between Italy and Turkey, 1923-1936,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 36/2 (May 2004): 231-252.

2 T. C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı, Türkiye Dış Politikasında 50 Yıl: Montreux ve Savaş Öncesi Yıllar (1935-1939), (Ankara: T. C. Dışişleri Bakanlığı Araştırma ve Siyaset Planlama Genel Müdürlüğü, 1973).

3 See Hamit Pehlivanlı, Yusuf Sarınay and Hüsamettin Yıldırım, Türk Dış Politikasında Hatay (1918-1939), (Ankara: ASAM, 2001); Serhan Ada, Türk-Fransız İlişkilerinde Hatay Sorunu: 1918-1939 (İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2005); Yücel Güçlü, The Question of Sanjak of Alexandretta: A Study in Turkish Syrian Relations (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 2001). Güçlü, a career diplomat, is a prolific writer on Turkish interwar foreign policy. Nevertheless, his works are usually narratives of specific issues. See, for instance, Yücel Güçlü, “Turkey’s Entrance into the League of Nations,” Middle Eastern Studies 39/1, (January 2003): 186-206; “The Nyon Arrangement of 1937 and Turkey,” Middle Eastern Studies 38/1, (January 2002): 53-70; “Fascist Italy’s ‘Mare Nostrum’ Policy and Turkey,” ,” Belleten 238 (December 1999). “The Uneasy Relationship: Turkey's Foreign Policy vis-à-vis the Soviet Union at the Outbreak of the Second World War” Mediterranean Quarterly 13/3 (2002): 58-93.

4 For an elaborate presentation of the restrictive impact of this archive-access policy on foreign policy research in Turkey, see Cemil Koçak, “Hatay Neden Sorun Oldu? Neden Sorun Olmaktan Çıktı? Tarih ve Toplum Yeni Yaklaşımlar 3 (Bahar 2006): 265-272. See also Engin Berber, “Arşivler ve Arşiv Belgeleri,” in Türk Dış Politikası Çalışmaları: Cumhuriyet Dönemi için Ulusal Rehber, ed. Engin Berber, (İstanbul: İstanbul Bilgi Üniversitesi Yayınları, 2007), 25-32.

5 Roderic H. Davison, “Turkish Diplomacy from Mudros to Lausanne,” in The Diplomats: 1919-1939, ed. Gordon A. Craig and Felix Gilbert (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1994),173.

6 Edward Weiseband, Turkish Foreign Policy, 1943-1945: Small State Diplomacy and Great Power Polictics (Princeton: Princeton University Pres, 1973).

7 Frank G. Weber, The Evasive Neutral: Germany, Britain and the Quest for a Turkish Alliance in the Second World War (Columbia and London: University of Missouri Press, 1979). Weber goes so far as to conclude “Turkish diplomacy was a brilliant accomplishment by all standards except those of honesty and integrity,” Ibid., 219.

8 Selim Deringil, Turkish Foreign Policy During the Second World War: An ‘Active’ Neutrality (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989).

9 See, for instance, Aptülahat Akşin, Atatürk’ün Dış Politika İlkeleri ve Diplomasisi (İstanbul: İnkilap ve Aka, 1966), 30.

10 See for instance, Dietrich Jung and Wolfgango Piccoli, Turkey at the Crossroads (London and New York: Zed Books, 2001), 134-136.

11 Georges-Henri Soutou, “Was there a European Order in the Twentieth Century? From Concert of Europe to the End of the Cold War, Contemporary European History, 9/3 (August 2000): 329-353.

12 See Mustafa Aksakal, Ottoman Road to War in 1914: The Otoman Empire and the First World War, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 2008), 194.

13 It may be worth-noting that a popular Turkish encylopedia of great powers featured a section on Turkey, implying that it was one of the eight great powers in the world. The others were naturally Germany, Britain, Soviet Russia, Italy, Japan, France and the US. Faik Sabri, Büyük Devletler (İstanbul: Yedigün, 1937-1938).

14 Nevertheless, there is evidence to suggest that Ankara expected a permenant or semi-permanent seat in the Council of the League of Nations. For Foreign Minister Aras’ remarks on the issue, see T.B.M.M Zabıt Ceridesi, Term IV, Vol. 3 (15 July 1931): 133.

15 NARA RG 59 Microcopy T1245 ROLL 4, Sofia (10 December 1930).

16 See, for instance, Cavid Oral, Akadeniz Meselesi, Vol. II (İstanbul: Cumhuriyet Matbaası, 1945), 57.

17 William Hale, Turkish Foreign Policy, 1774-2000 (London: Frank Cass, 2000); Baskın Oran, ed., Türk Dış Politikası: Kurtuluş Savaşından Bugüne Olgular, Belgeler, Yorumlar, 2 vols. (İstanbul: İletişim Yayınları, 2001).

18 Geoffrey Bennet, Naval Battles of the First World War (London: Pengiun Books, 2001), 14

19 Andrew F. Cooper, Richard A. Higgot and Kim Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers: Australia and Canada in a Changing World Order (Carlton, Victoria: Melbourne University Press, 1993), 19.

20 For an attempt at grading of powers, see Martin Wight, Power Politics, ed.Hedley Bull and Carsted Holbraad (New York: Holmes and Meier Publishers, 1978), 295-301.

21 The term “hyperpower” was coined by French Foreign Minister Hubert Vedrine as “the word superpower is no longer sufficient to describe the United States.” “Hubert Vedrine: France’s Voice in the World,” Economist (11 November 2000). There is as yet no agreement if “hyperpower” represents an analytical category other than superpower. Kim Richard Nossal, “Lonely Superrpower or Unapologetic Hyperpower? Analyzing American Power in the Post-Cold War Era,” available at http://post.queensu.ca/~nossalk/papers/hyperpower.htm (visited on 10 December 2008)

22 Jordan offers a distinction between emerging and traditional middle powers in an ettempt to “rescue the concept from incerasing vagueness.” While emerging milddle power represents a diverse category of states such as Argentine, Brazil, Nigeria, Malaysia, South Africa and Turkey, the traditional middle powers include developed states such as Australia, Canada, Norway and Sweden. Eduard Jordaan, “The Concept of a Middle Power in International Relations: Distingusihing between Emerging and Traditional Middle Powers,” Politikon 30/2 (November 2003): 165.

23 Wight, Power Politics…, 65.

24 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…,17-18.

25 Carsten Holbraad, Middle Powers in International Politics (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1984), 4.

26 Jonathan H. Ping, Middle Power Statecraft: Indonesia, Malaysia and the Asia-Pacific, (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005), 51.

27 Andrew F. Cooper, “Niche Diplomacy: A Conceptual Overview,” ed., Andrew F. Cooper, Niche Diplomacy: Middle Powers after the Cold War, (Hampshire: MacMillan Press Ltd., 1997), 14.

28 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…,18.

29 Holbraad, Middle Powers…, 59-61.

30 Holbraad, Middle Powers…, 205-6.

31 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…,19.

32 Ping, Middle Power Statecraft…, 22.

33 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…, 116.

34 Holbraad, Middle Powers…, 68-69.

35 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…,117.

36 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…,118.

37 Mustafa Türkeş, “The Balkan Pact and its Immediate Implications for the Balkan States,” Middle Eastern Studies 30(1) (January 1994): 123-144.

38 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…, 136-137.

39 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…, 141.

40 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…,118.

41 Cooper, “Niche Diplomacy…,” 8.

42 Cooper, “Niche Diplomacy…”, 8.

43 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…, 4.

44 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…, 23-24

45 Cooper, Higgot and Nossal, Relocating Middle Powers…, 115.

46 John Ravenhill, “Cycles of Middle Power Activism: Constraint and Choice in Australian and Canadian Foreign Policies,” Australian Journal of International Affairs 5283 (1998): 310.

47 Ravenhill, 311-313.

48 Oyvind Osterud, “Regional Great Powers,” in Regional Great Powers in International Politics, ed. Neumann, Iver B. (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1992), 6.

49 Osterud, “Regional Great Powers,” 6-7.

50 Osterud, “Regional Great Powers,” 7.

51 Osterud, “Regional Great powers,” 7.

52 F. R. Bridge and Roger Bullen, The Great Powers and the European States System: 1815-1914, (London and New York: Longman, 1980), 179.

53 Ian Clark, The Hierarchy of States: Reform and Resistance in the International Order, (Cambridge: Cambridge University Pres, 1989): 113.

54 Edward Carr, The Twenty Years (London: MacMillan&Co. Ltd, 1951), 103-104.

55 Ibid.

56 Karl Polayni, The Great Transformation: The Political and Economic Origins of Our Time (Boston: Beacon Press, 2001), 21-22.

57 James Barros, The Corfu Incident of 1923: Mussolini and the League of Nations (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1965), 303.

58 Barros, The Corfu Incident…, 88.

59 William I. Shorrock, From Ally to Enemy: The Enigma of Fascist Italy in French Diplomacy, 1920-1940 (Kent: The Kent State University Press, 1988), 42.

60 Shorrock, From Ally to Enemy…, 42.

61 Shorrock, From Ally to Enemy…, 36.

62 Shorrock, From Ally to Enemy…, 47.

63 Brian McKercher, “Old Diplomacy and New: The Foreign Office and Foreign Policy, 1919-1939” in Diplomacy and World Power, ed. Michael Dockrill and Brian McKercher (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996), 84.

64 McKercher, “Old Diplomacy and New…,” 83-84.

65 Piotr S. Wandycz, France and her Eastern Allies 1919-1925: French-Czechoslovak-Polish Relations from the Paris Peace Conference to Locarno (Minneapolis: The University of Minnesota Press, 1962), 320.

66 Wandycz, France and her Eastern Allies…, 321.

67 Aristide Briand, Discours et Ecrits de Politique Etrangère: La Paix-l’Union Européenne, la Société des Nations, ed. Achille Elisha (Paris: Plon, 1965), 149.

68 Amidst the Mosul crisis, some scholars argue that London also kept in close contact with different ethnic groups in the region that were potential threats against the new Republic of Turkey. Mim Kemal Öke, Musul Meselesi Kronolojisi (1918-1926) (İstanbul: Türk Dünyası Araştırmaları Vakfı, 1991), 112-140. Others state that there is no proof to show a direct link between the rebellions and London. Ömer Kürkçüoğlu, Türk-İngiliz İlişkileri 1919-1926 (Ankara: A.Ü. Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Yayınları, 1978), 314.

69 Soysal claims Turkey preferred instead to receive five hundred thousand pound sterling upfront from Britain in lieu of annual shares. İsmail Soysal, Türkiye’nin Siyasal Andlaşmaları Vol. I. (1920-1945) (Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu, 1983), 307. In a through analysis of Turkish budgets, Uluğbay contends that Turkey actually received a total of 3.5 million pound sterling in annual installments up until 1958. Hikmet Uluğbay, İmparatorluktan Cumhuriyete Petropolitik, revised, expanded and updated vesion, (Ankara: Ayraç Yayınevi, 2003), 444-447.

70 Zara Steiner, The Lights that Failed: European International History, 1919-1933, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2005), 358-359.

71 Erik Goldstein, “The Evolution of British Diplomatic Strategy for the Locarno Pact, 1924-1925” in Diplomacy and World Power, 126.

72 Goldstein, “The Evolution of British Diplomatic…,” 126.

73 Goldstein, “The Evolution of British Diplomatic…,” 125.

74 Carr, The Twenty Years…, 106.