Let me conclude with some observations on the challenges that this matter of GIs, and the underlying notion of terroir, pose for the profession. Everyone accepts that the physical environment in which agricultural products are grown (or reared) is important to taste and other consumer attributes. The genotype is expressed as a phenotype through interaction with the environment and the farming practices. But we ignore this in production models where agricultural commodities use combinations of inputs themselves rarely differentiated. Land is land and can be used is a variety of crops or livestock enterprises: land quality may be reflected in yields, and substitution may be limited by rainfall and climate. But if the land has a demonstrable impact on the value of the output through its ability to impart consumer attributes then a different model is suggested. The land input is more than just a medium for holding the plant in place while fertilizer is applied. And differentiated products fetching widely different returns may need to be treated as sales into separate markets. Of course farmers know these matters and use their land accordingly: my point is that we may not have adequate models to mirror such a decision process.
On consumer attributes the situation is better. There has been an increase in the use of models of consumer behavior that recognize quality differences. However, few of these studies influence our trade models, other than through the blunt instrument of the Armington assumption of unexplained differences by country that limit the substitution elasticity in general equilibrium trade models. Greater and more purposive product differentiation that does not treat a country as the only unit of interest might help. This would make such general trade models more useful for analyzing issues in high value products that continue to expand as a share of the market.
If it is the case that we have inadequate models that it follows that we have little basis for policy recommendations of the appropriate strategy for increasing producer returns from the market. Nor do we know the costs and benefits from international trade rules that govern these quality-proxies in commerce. Even where models exists, much of the discussion of these issues has rested on a thin empirical base.
The economic challenges are many. First, there is a need to find ways to sort out the mix of protectionism and information provision that typifies the arguments behind GIs. This raises political economy issues of mixed-motive policy initiatives (similar to those raised by country-of-origin labeling and by health and safety codes). Is there a market test for the adequacy of consumer information? Such information given by producers of a regional good could be biased and unreliable. Can one measure the protection given by a GI? It could be that producers underestimate the ability of competing producers to position their goods to offset the local name recognition. How should one regulate GIs in an open economy? Uniform systems have transaction cost advantages, while diversity may satisfy consumer needs better. How do GIs impinge on technology transfer and innovation? Protecting traditional knowledge could stifle innovation. Excessive ties through regulation between quality and location could distort investment decisions. Political linkages with groups with other agendas (such as anti-corporate control of the food system) may lead sound product-place-quality marketing down a less profitable path. But, ultimately, consumers will reward the ability of local producers to define meaningful product attributes that reflect the “terroir” and limit the misuse of such labels to seek rents.
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