Introduction to cultural heritage management
THE STONE AGE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA
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- Bu səhifədəki naviqasiya:
- THE IRON AGE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA
- THE COLONIAL PERIOD HERITAGE (1890-1980)
- POST-COLONIAL PERIOD HERITAGE FORMS OF CULTURAL HERITAGE IN ZIMBABWE AND SOUTHERN AFRICA
- Explanations for the art
- Shamanism
- CASE STUDY Nswatugi Cave
- Significance of Dry Stone walled sites to Archaeology of Southern Africa
- PQ (combination of poor and quality) style
- SACRED FORESTS AND SHRINES
- Dambakurimwa (Domboshava)
- Nyanga/Ziwa Forest Mt Muozi kin Nyanga Mijikenda Kaya Forests
THE STONE AGE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA Early and Middle Stone Age This refers to a broad anthropological prehistoric period during from a far back as 3.6 mya to about 20000 years ago. Although it has been termed Stone Age, it does not necessarily mean that stone was the only material used to make tools. On the contrary, the Early and Middle Stone Age arethinly differentiated periods that coincide with human evolution where probably wood and bones could have been used as materials for tool making. It must however be emphasized that this period has the Oldowan and Acheulian traditions as dominant stone tool making traditions. Early Stone Age is mostly known from the Cradle of Humanity/Maropeng in South Africa.Notable are the Australopithecus finds at Taung in 1927 by Dr Raymond Dart, the 1936 finds at Sterkfontein by Dr Robert Broom, finds from Swartkrans, Kroomdraai, Klasis River Mouth, Drimolien amongst others. The most recent addition to this is the Australopithecus Sediba, supposed as the link between the Australopithecus and the Habilines. All this evidence proved correct the theory of Natural Selection by Charles Darwin. The fossils found have thus become our heritage and can be enjoyed from sites such as Maropeng Exhibition in South Africa. Late Stone Age Archaeological research in Zimbabwe has rather focused more on life of the Hunter/Gatherer communities as justified by the abundantly found rock art. Rock art; an form of ‘expressive art’ executed on rock surfaces and attributed to the San and early farming communities in part, is found in abundance across Zimbabwe although the greatest densities have been the Matopos Cultural Landscape. Rock art has been of value to Zimbabwean archaeology because of a number of reasons. Whilst it is agreed that there is no ancestral link between the san who executed the art and the early farming communities that populated Southern Africa, this art fills in the picture of how this part of the continent was used, giving archaeologists a full chronology of spatial use of the land. Rock art also enables archaeologists and other social discipline specialists to interpret diversity of cultures in order to explain better how culture influences the development of cultural heritage.Whilst Europeans argued that rockwas done as Art for Art’ sake, this hypothesis has been questioned because of a number of its flaws. For one, not all animals are depicted, there is tendency to depict particular animals (Elands and Giraffes in South Western Zimbabwe), some images have theranthropines (depictions that are half man half animal), depictions of the same animal in different styles. Several archaeologists have also questioned the Trance hypothesis suggested on the basis that with the arrival of Europeans on the shores of Southern Africa, the San became a persecuted group. The trance theory was presented after interviews with imprisoned San thereby casting credibility to this theory. Unfortunately, this hypothesis has been hammered into academia that it has not been dislodged successfully. Other suggested explanations are as follows;
This is whereby researchers would have to rely on direct descendants of the people who executed the rock art inorder to understand why this art was executed. Unfortunately, scholarly sources generally outline that with the coming of the early farming communities (through the Bantu migration), this group pushed the San into the Kalahari and Namib deserts. Whilst it is true that descendants of the San reside in these deserts, it is also a fact that some were surely incorporated into those early farming communities. Unfortunately, there is no known group of San descent in Zimbabwe hence this strategy is inapplicable in this country but there are reports that such communities exist in South Africa. Besides, the san of the Namib and Kalahari deserts do not acknowledge their ancestors executing the art. Formed Means This strategy of gathering information and putting knowledge about the known rock art sites tries to tackle the value of these sites from the perspective of what information they can yield. For example, archaeologists could excavate the cave floors of rock art sites to determine occupancy through examination of material finds there. Counting and description of motifs could help in inter and intra site analysis, explanations can be made basing on how the animals were depicted (why do some have trunks held high whilst others hold their heads low?)etc. this is the most profitable form of research applicable in Zimbabwe. Some of the most famous rock art sites in Zimbabwe include; Bambata Cave, Silozwane, Pomongwe, Nswatugi, Cave of Hands, Diana’s Vow. THE IRON AGE OF SOUTHERN AFRICA Despite its insensitive European background, the term was introduced by Schofield to replace the derogatory ‘Bantu’ coined by Bleek.It differentiated the Early farming communities from the Late Iron Age communities that revolved around complex systems of governance. Whilst the key characteristic of these communities was not metals per se, it was rather their socio-economic and politic dynamism which resulted in rather complex social states. Examples include Great Zimbabwe state, Khami state, Mutapa State. Itmust also be appreciated that the use of metals posed great influence on the success that pursued them. Iron was used in almost all contexts whilst gold and copper were used for adornment and trade.As such,metals not only revolutionized farming, but the entire system of wealth and its implications within the entire group. Researchers such as Huffman have presented the continuity and change in Iron Age tradition tracing it from around AD 900 to present day. The Iron age sites have been associated with materials and evidence of iron and copper tools, preferential burials practices, settled agriculture, religion, stone walled sites, dhaka structures, ceramic pottery, beadsetc. Apart from built structures and associated cultural landscapes, these communities also observed ritual respect for natural landscapes which were seen as shrines. Such sites include Great Zimbabwe, Victoria Falls, Ziwa National Monument, Mapungubwe, Khami, and Norumedzo Forest amongst others. All these sites also fall under the mandate of NMMZ hence are part of our cultural heritage..
The period from 1890s saw the onset of colonization of Africa. This period saw the introduction of different socio-economic, religious, technological and political factors as we know them today.This included towns, money-based economies, oppression of the African race, forced shifts in religion, etc. As such, this factor also brought in different culture hence new cultural material. POST-COLONIAL PERIOD HERITAGE FORMS OF CULTURAL HERITAGE IN ZIMBABWE AND SOUTHERN AFRICA The bulk of the cultural heritagefound in this part of the continent take a number of forms which include movable and immovable. This list includes monuments, sites, landscapes and remains of archaeological, historical, religious, cultural, scientific and aesthetic significance. Some of the most prominent include;
ROCK ART SITES Rock art refers to expressive art executed on rock surfaces and attributed, in large part, to hunter-gatherer communities and in some cases, early farming communities of Southern Africa. In terms of density of distribution, the greatest concentrations of this rock art within Zimbabwe is in the Matopo Cultural Landscape whilst Mutoko is second. The largest displays are evident in caves such as Nswatugi, Bambata, Silozwane and White Rhino’s Cave. Pomongwe used to have large displays but due to tourism, the art was lost. Rock art placement was determined by the availability of suitable granitic rock surface and the trend observed is; where a suitable rock surface is shaded such as under an overhanging rock or a cave, we find rock paintings whilst rock engravings are found on ‘open-to-the-sky’ surfaces. This can allude to the possibility that the executors of the art wanted it to survive. A red substance was used for the rock paintings and research argues that this pigment comprised of animal oils, root juices, egg extracts amongst other materials.
Earliest Europeans who saw and studied it supported the European concept of Art for Art’s sake as the reason for the art. This conclusion was however changed through results of ethnographic research by researchers such Lewis-Williams on the San of the Kalahari desert. Some advocated for Totemism. The variation of depictions was noted to remain similar but variant with changing geographic zones. In the Matopos, the Eland and Kudu are most depicted whilst the Drakensburg Mountains have moreElanddepictions than humans. The most accepted is the Shamanism perspective and this was advocated through Ethnographic research on the San of the Kalahari desert. Rock paintings This is an art created through applying paint to a surface using mediums such as feathers, sticks or even fingers. This type of art is not long-lasting hence the executors placed it where it was least affected by agents of denudation such as light and rain. Of the art in Zimbabwe, almost all of it is rock paintings. Rock Engravings This is an art created through repeated scratching of a rock surface with another piece of rock to trace out an outline of the image. Because of the limited effects of factors such as rain and light on this art, this art is noted to be on exposed rock surfaces. Such art is however found in the Drakensburg Mountains of South Africa. It is also important to acknowledge that not all rock is attributed to the hunter-gather communities. Zambia presents a different scenario to Zimbabwe. Some of the art has been attributed to the agro-pastoralists (Bantu). The rock art of Zambia is mostly executed in a white pigment contrary to the red ochre common to Zimbabwe. Some rock art sites in Zambia are still actively used for the Chinamwali rituals of initiation of both girls and boys into adulthood. A curious factor attesting to two groups having executed the art is most notable where the two (very different art types) are found within the same geographic contexts. As such, this has led archaeologists into arguing the group succeeded one another and left behind their art. CASE STUDY Nswatugi Cave This cave is located near the summit of Nswatugi hill in the Matopos. Its significance to Zimbabwean archaeology is two fold. The name implies or translates to ‘the place of jumping’. It refers to the local legend that a deity, Mlimo, hoped across the Matopos to Njelele, his most important shrine to date. There is a shallow depression about 25cm long which resembles a footprint, hence the basis for the name. The locals say this is Mlimo’s footprint that was left as he leapt across the Matopos but there are no traditions relating to it e.g. considering it as a sacred site or a place for rituals. On the other hand, Nswatugi is better known as a result of archaeological research carried out by Neville Jones in 1993. This cave was selected mostly because of its accessibility, the mixed layer between middle and late Stone Age hence was an aggregation phase settlement marking the transition between the two eras. According to Nick Walker (1995), the remains of a woman (dated to more than 9500 years before present) and burnt fragment remains of a child (dated to about 8000 years before present) suggest that other forms of funerary rites were practiced in the Matopos hence the archaeological interest in the cave. This scenario can also be used to explain values attached to cultural heritage sites in Zimbabwe.
These are evidence of the pinnacle of development of the Iron Age period and the most famous site being Great Zimbabwe.Social complexity was traced to the Shashe Limpopo valley where a combination of natural and human-based factors resulted in the shift of the trade center from Mapungubwe to Great Zimbabwe. SOCIAL COMPLEXITY As space for agriculture grew scarce and over population was looming in relation to available resources in the central Africa, Bantu groups, whose way of life revolved around plant and crop production, embarked on widespread movements downwards. This group displaced the San hunter-gatherer community that had long occupied Southern Africa. This was the. Because of the character of Great Zimbabwe, archaeologists sought to explain its origins and research in the Shashe –Limpopo valley yielded information that bridged and explained that transition. The earliest evidence of complexity was noted and dated to around AD900 with sites of the Schroda community. This community had evidence of both and hunting. Geographic evidence points to hunting as the most dominant activity because during that time, the valley had dry and hot seasons which would not have sustained productive plant crops. Around AD 1000, pottery related to such sites disappeared from the archaeological record and instead, was replaced by that from Bambanjanalo/K2. This appeared to be a new community that had moved into the valley. Unlike the Schroda community, it had the Central Cattle Pattern System. Explanations for the rapid disappearance of the Scroda pottery argued that either the Schroda community had been absorbed into K2 or had been forced to move away into Zimbabwe or Botswana. Later years saw pottery liken to the Schroda community being visible amidst the K2 pottery, a factor that was said to reflect a possibility that the Scroda had assumed a pivotal role in the politics of K2. The K2 community, because of the shift in base of economic activity from cattle to trade, moved to a new settlement, Mapungubwe. It is at this site that the earliest evidence of separate and isolated residency of the king becomes noticed. The king lived on the hilltop, a feature that was to be synonymous with all later IRON AGE sites. Great Zimbabwe has the earliest system of stone-use on royal residency. Significance of Dry Stone walled sites to Archaeology of Southern Africa Explanation of trade practices, power and politics of trade and its influence on state politics Distribution and control of wealth in complex states Technology, Specialization and Gender relations Religion and state politics Metals and their role in state development and existence Symbolism in complexity The sites were termed dry-stone walled on the basis that walls were constructed from stone blocks arranged one ontop of the next without the use of a reinforcing agent such as mortar. Several styles are noticeable on most walled sites. It has been argued that they determine both period of construction and rate of construction. The rough style was argued as the Refuge period where builders were either inexperienced or wanted to quickly put up walls in face of danger of invading groups. The Poor Quality walling signifies and intermediary stage from the earlier period. The highest style is the Quality walling which shows not only a relaxed process but also more masonry skills. Great Zimbabwe’s Valley Ruin is argued to have been built in an anti-clockwise direction based on the quality of walling. Artistic designs include; herringbone, checkered, iron band and chevron patterns. In terms of styles of construction, three categories have been deciphered. These are;
Apart from the walls, these sites also contained other material culture such as Dhaka structures, iron and copper tools, ceramics which through associations and scientificresearch has led archaeologists into making academic conclusions on the type of life during this period. These sites were also religious centers as was the case of Great Zimbabwe. SACRED FORESTS AND SHRINES Traditional African religion and general way of life is guided by strong associations and respect of the link between man and nature. As such, this has resulted in some natural landscapes of particular features gaining more respect as they are associated with supernatural beings. Such is the scenario that defines sacred forests and landscapes in Zimbabwe. The same traditional therefore have upheld a number of myths and taboos that ensure the reverence or positions of such features within the societies. Norumedzo Forest A forest in Bikita with sacred valued.The forest has trees which are favored by the Stinkbug ‘Harurwa’, a delicacy enjoyed by the community whilst also being a source of revenue. On the other hand, the same forest has a mythical story attached to it. It is said that Nemeso (a four-eyed) man was killed in the forest. He had been considered as a ‘freak’ on the basis that not only was he a twin but he had a disability, the eyes. As such, this forest has been argued to be the home of his angry spirit such that nobody is allowed to enter the forest, to source firewood without consent of traditional leaders. This forest is thus in stark contrast to its surrounding area where there is evidence of deforestation.Prior to harvesting the ‘harurwa’, ritual ceremonies of appeasing the spirit of Nemeso are conducted. To protect the forest, surrounding villages have teams of men who protect the forest at intervals. They bar unauthorized entry and collection of firewood from the forest. In that regard, they community safeguards the forest whilst also benefiting from it. that is sustainable management. Njelele/Matonjeni This is situated in the Matopos cultural landscape but was traditional viewed as the most sacred shrine in African traditionalism. It was the centre for rain rainmaking ceremonies of the country and was the residency of the High priest. It is from this place that decisions were made. Mkwati’s move to rile up Africans to revolt against settler occupation is believed to have come from this shrine. Dambakurimwa (Domboshava) This is a natural stand/groove of the ‘Muzhanje’ trees found in Domboshava under Chief Chinamora. Today, the forest stands in stark contrast to its surrounding area a it is still heavily wooded. This is because of the myths and taboos associated with the site. Taboos say that nobody is allowed to comment on the taste of the fruit as such an act would lead one getting disoriented that it becomes difficult for them to find their way out. Apart from that, it is believed that if one was to cut down a tree from this forest, it would grow back. As such trees are not cut from the forest hence the name. This forest is also found juxtaposition to the sacred cave on top of the granitic outcrop. This cave was a site for rain making ceremonies that involved lighting fires in the cave and observing how the smoke ‘behaved’. For this, the local communityused a geological tunnel that starts from the cave and exits at the top of the rock about 30-50 metres above it. Because the caveis considered sacred, people are allowed to take photographs within the cave and to reinforce that, a legend of a white tourist lady who defied the notice not to take photos and mysteriously became bald is retold. Manyanga/Ntabazikamabo This site has strong associations with the Mwali Religion although it was a lesser site as compared to Njelele. It still played a pivotal role even in the political context of the country then. As the name implies, this was a site for the burial of Rozvi Kings and following traditional religion, such places were out of bounds for the general public. The first had been Changamire Dombo. This is also the place at the centre of the story presented in the Shona novel; Nhume Yamambo. The last king at the site was Chirisamhuru who is believed to have been killed by the Nguni warrior; Nyamazana. Historians have gathered that even Mzilikazi, as established his capital near Inyati, he showed respect for the site through constant consultation, a factor that even Lobengula maintained. The spirit medium; Mkwati resided at the site where he led rituals for rain making and ancestral appeasement but he was only a messenger of the high priest of Njelele. Mkwati even managed to rile up spirits of the Africans on a need to remove the settlers (a message that had come from Njelele), a move that led to the 1896 war that resulted in the capture and murder of Mkwati whilst his wife was placed in the Inyati reserve but even then, she continued leading rituals at the shrine. From 1896 the shrine did not have a resident priest hence the last priest of the shrine had been Mkwati. Historians however argue that she (Tenkele) was even more important than Mkwati, her husband, because unlike him who was only a messenger to Njelele, she was actually from Njelele. For some time starting 1930s there were no ritualsheld at Manyanga as the settler government had placed the site within the farm issued to Thomas Meikles in the 1930s as a result of the Land Tenure Act provisions which has been in constant occupation ever since. The Act also relocated the local communTity under Chief Magola who went with Barumbi Shoko, a rain goddess born at Njelele and argued to have been the daughter of Mkwati and Tenkele but she came back in 1943 and resumed ritual practice at the shrine. In 1991, a Mr Moyo led the ritual ‘Amadlozi Amakhulu’ to reopen the shrine before resuscitation of ritual practices. Nyanga/Ziwa Forest Mt Muozi kin Nyanga Mijikenda Kaya Forests (Tanzania) HISTORIC BUILDINGS This form of heritage is a legacy of the colonial rule in Zimbabwe. As the Pioneer column marched into Zimbabwe, they established a series of forts (Tuli, Victoria, Charter and Salisbury). Of these forts and colonial settlements grew major cities that contain historic buildings. According to the NMMZ Act Chapter 25/11, a historic building is any structure used for human habitation on or before the 1st of June 1910. Due to the myopic consideration of the date, even buildings built after that date have been proclaimed as historic buildings. Of the most notable include; Mai Musodzi Hall Located in Mbare. This simple hall gained prominence during the colonial era whereby it was the venue for ceremonies such as weddings, meetings, drama groups and film viewing. It had been constructed by the settler government as a way of giving the Africans their own resources for entertainment, hence they would not venture into the Whites areas. Stodart Hall Stanley Hall Located in Bulawayo’s high density area of Makokoba. This was a centre for various black activities such as rallies. Market Hall (Harare), Paper house (Kwekwe), Stock Exchange Building (Gweru), Old Magistrate Court (Gweru) THEME PARKS Zimbabwe does not boast of many Theme parks but prides itself in the two that exist. Initially, the Shona village at Great Zimbabwe was earmarked to be a theme park where there would be a revival and showcase of typical Shona culture within the cultural landscape of Great Zimbabwe. The same was the initial plan for the last known capital (kraal) of King of the Ndebele; Lobengula which he burnt as a traditional symbol as he prepared to flee the settler forces. Overview of Old Bulawayo as a Theme Park this was the kraal/capital of King Lobengula containing a number of infrastructures typical of traditional Nguni style of setup. It comprised a number of beehive shaped huts made of grass thatch and poles for the king, his sisters and wives. In addition to the huts, the palace also had Lobengula’s cattle kraal and a modern building believed to have been built for him by Jesuit missionaries in exchange for permission to set residency approximately 100 meters from his own residence. In the vicinity is the Indaba tree under which he sat in council and when he signed the infamous treaties that included the Moffat Treaty and the Rudd Concession. The king’s kraal was defined by a perimeter fence of poles, and all these features are typical of traditional Nguni culture notable in South Africa. Yüklə 204,23 Kb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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