Meningie – 1998 paper
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- Meningie – 1998 paper
- Ngarrindjeri Ngrilkulun, Oct. 23-24 1999
Chapter 11: Towards the New Millenium, 1987-2000Ab. Ed. Unit, 1986-1987: city to Enfield. Hughes Report, 1988. Support Programs at Adelaide Uni, and Flinders Uni. At Salisbury, Roseworthy, off-campus centres: Murray Bridge. Ngarrindjeri students at other country study centres: Port Lincoln. Ngarrindjeri language project, 1986-1987? Brian Kirke and Marlene. Berndt, 1989 [68] ‘… Aborigines all over the country, whether or not they are traditionally oriented, are becoming increasingly committed to an Australian-European type of lifestyle and belief system, in varying degrees. … a growing awareness of the uniqueness of their own heritage is being counter-balanced by the construction of an overall, generalised, Aboriginal heritage, that could override the survival prospects of particular regional heritages [the survival of heritages: meaning what ? by definition, a southern Aboriginal heritage is something no longer, a memory, something people cherish in the midst of a radically different daily life] relevant to many different Australian Aboriginal cultures. This is a crucial point – but it is one about which Aborigines themselves must make up their minds.’ [So four options, at least as thought experiments] [there are others, as long as nobody consciously thinks about them]:
i.e. removing oneself and one’s group from the contemporary world altogether: the traditionalist-culturalist approach.
i.e. retreating into a localised, parochial and closed world, still dependent on outside financial support, but ideologically hostile to and excluding it, at least rhetorically: the welfare-culturalist approach.
i.e. creating an contemporary but oppositional, or complementary, indigenous world, and striving to put together a composite, homogeneous, holistic, but non-European, package: the oppositionalist-radical-culturalist approach.
i.e. getting by in the mainstream of the contemporary world both as individuals and as voluntary communities: the liberal and communitarian self-determinationist approaches. People are trying all of these approaches, in a vast range of variations, not necessarily consciously but in everyday life. There probably never will be a unified approach, since people are viewing their realities, their knowledges, from so many different perspectives. People’s realities and positions vary, their individual histories and memories of past realities vary, their interpretations of present-day realities therefore vary, so their approaches, viewpoints, paradigms, frameworks, world-views and ideologies vary immensely, probably from one individual to another, and within the one individual over time, and always will. There is now no overarching paradigm to which more or less everybody will adhere, or any one set of social relations in which everybody knows their place, and agrees to stay in it. As time passes, Aboriginal realities, knowledges, perspectives etc. will become ever more differentiated, less overlapping let alone unified, although new focal paradigms will emerge as notions, ideas, perceptions, world-views coalesce or crystallise. Not only are Aboriginal viewpoints multitudinous, but it is pure assimilationism to pretend that they are all one and that to say otherwise is ‘divide and conquer’. They are not all one, never have been, and may never be. People’s material circumstances are not all the same, access to heritage and reliance on it are not all the same (let alone the same heritage), and their interpretation of those circumstances and of the options which these circumstances constrain or encourage, are not all the same; and there is an immense range of possible interpretations and explanations to fix on for any one situation, let alone for the whole shebang. It is not a question of one or many, but one of which ideological positions are being developed, or can be allied – can all progressive ideological positions on a certain issue (such as Reconciliation, Land Rights, Education for Self-Determination) be brought into alignment, alliance, coalition, cooperation ? Or are many positions and viewpoints so fatally flawed that they can only be brought together for negative purposes, or in a patron-client alliance, or on the basis of raw power, or control of the money tree, or in momentary anger at yet another governmental blunder ? Meningie – 1998 paperCurrent population about 1000. 38 professional fishermen use Meningie as a base. Lake Albert is 25 km long, 7 – 14 km wide, and 166 sq. km in area, average depth 1.5 m. Coorong stretches 150 km to just past Salt Creek, 200m to 3 km wide, up to 4 m deep, 3 times as salty as the ocean. Before Europeans, ‘because of the proximity of the fresh water of the lakes, the ocean and climate, it was a life of hunting kangaroos, wallabies and emus, catching the plentiful ducks and waterfowl, netting the rich Coorong waters for fish and eating the many edible plants growing in the area.’ ‘Camp Coorong 10 km south of Meningie was founded in 1986 as one of the first aboriginal educational and cultural centres in the country.’ Australian, 2/3.5.92: 9 Jerry Mason Centre aiming to establish the first Ngarrindjeri language centre. Agnes Rigney, co-ordinator. Impact of AEWs, Interventions etc. In a very real sense, Aboriginal children have rarely ever been provided with the same education as white kids. When they have, it is highly questionable whether or not it has done them as much harm as the ‘different’ education they have endured over the past hundred years. For example, from the early seventies, a number of interventions were introduced ostensibly to help Aboriginal students get more out of education: AEWs, changes to the curriculum, community involvement, etc. Have they worked ? Or is it possible that the interventions have actually been counter-productive ? Is it even possible that they have done dreadful damage to yet another generation of Aboriginal children ? If current interventions were working, then one would expect that the schools at which they were applied would have better enrolments right to the end of Year 12. This seems to be a fair measure of school success. If this were so, then Year 12 students would tend to be in the schools with larger Aboriginal populations than in those with few Aboriginal enrolments, because the larger the school, the more interventions, the more likely the employment of AEWs, and so on. A crude measure but one which is hard to beat: if interventions were working, then the more likely they were employed, the more students would be getting through to Year 12. Is this so ? For a start, the schools with the largest Aboriginal populations tend to be in the country, yet the relative likelihood (i.e. relative to the State-wide likelihood) of an Aboriginal student reaching Year 12 in a country school fell from 76 % to 59 % from 1993 to 1996 (while the relative likelihood in the city rose from 132 % to 169 %). In other words, the likelihood of an Aboriginal student reaching Year 12 in the city in 1996 was nearly seventy percent higher than in the country: City Country Yr 8-11 Yr. 12 Yr 8-11 Yr. 12 1993: Nos: 472 59 (22-37) 531 50 (24-26) %: 47 % 54 % 53 % 46 % 1996: Nos: 550 44 (18-26) 636 31 (16-15) %: 46 % 59 % 54 % 41 %
Median, Yr 8-11: 12-13 Yr 8-11 students 41 Yr 8-11 students Median, Yr 12, M: 10 Yr 8-11 students 41 Yr 8-11 students Median, Yr 12, F: 9 Yr 8-11 students 39 Yr 8-11 students By 1996, the disparity between Year 12 median and Year 8 to 11 median had increased, even though the median itself had declined as Aboriginal students seemed to disperse to more schools. By 1996, in city schools, the middle female Year 12 student was in fact attending a school with only six other Aboriginal students, far too small to warrant any major interventions at all, yet there were as many female Aboriginal Year 12 students in schools with fewer, as with more, than six Aboriginal students at Years 8 to 11. In the country, this trend also occurred: even though the median school had more Year 8 to 11 students enrolled, the median Year 12 students, male and female, were attending schools with far fewer Year 8 to 11 students than the median school. 1996 City Country Median, Yr 8-11: 9 Yr 8-11 students 55 Yr 8-11 students Median, Yr 12, M: 8 Yr 8-11 students 16 Yr 8-11 students Median, Yr 12, F: 6 Yr 8-11 students 31 Yr 8-11 students So, not only was a higher proportion of Indigenous Year 12 students attending city schools, but the average (median) number of Indigenous students at Years 8 to 11 at which the average (median) Year 12 student was enrolled was far below the level at which interventions would be employed. If the interventions were actually working, the trend would be in the opposite direction: that is, the more opportunities to employ interventions (AEWs, curriculum change, etc) the more likely students would remain at school through to Year 12. But they were remaining at schools which would be less likely to employ interventions. In fact, if interventions were working, all other things being equal, the mere fact that the median city school had a Year 8 to 11 population median far below the country median would suggest that there would be far more Year 12 students at country schools. Even more so, that if the interventions were doing the trick, then there should be hardly any Year 12 students at city schools, while the great bulk should be attending country schools, and the larger the school the more likely that Year 12 students were enrolled there. But the trend was precisely in the opposite direction: a solid majority of Year 12 students were attending city schools, and the bulk of Year 12 students were in schools with below-average Aboriginal enrolments. More disturbing, are the figures for changes in actual Year 12 enrolments from 1993 to 1996, as a proportion of total enrolments: City Country 1993 12.5 % 9.4 % 1996 8.2 % 4.5 %
Overall, 1996: 22.7 %. For those with post-secondary qualification: 12.4 %. [But let’s look more closely at these figures. The overall figures obviously do not include participants in the work-for-the-dole Scheme, CDEP. If they did, the overall figure would be over 40 %, not just double, but nearly four times the rate for qualified Indigenous people. But let’s unpack the second figure as well: it would include University, TAFE, ‘Other post-secondary qualifications’. Since some of the last are preparation, or non-specific qualifications, to put it nicely self-described as having post-secondary qualifications, we could surmise that the unemployment rate of such people would be only a little better than those with no qualifications at all, say 30 %. They would form the bulk of the category of ‘those with post-secondary qualifications.’ Of the rest, qualified tradespeople and university graduates, their unemployment rate would then come down to about 7 or 8 %, not particularly higher than that for non-Indigenous people, taking between-jobs and re-location unemployment. And certainly a lot lower than the rate for Indigenous people generally, in whom they are included. What if we could separate those with, from those without, post-secondary qualifications, since the first category now constitutes some 35 % of the total Indigenous population ? i.e. 15 % at 7 – 8 % unemployment, 20 % of the population at 30 % unemployment. This leaves 65 % of those in the work force, with an unemployment rate of more than 50 %. Identifying different rates for different categories of all those Indigenous people in the work-force, we can now see that the comparison is not 22.7 % for those without qualifications, with 12.4 % for those with qualifications, but more likely 50 % against 7 or 8 %. Population distribution: In 1998, over 100,000 Indigenous students in schools, 3.2 % of all students. Perhaps another 50,000 pre-schoolers. A twenty-year pool of about 170,000, and increasing. The population trough bottomed out in about 1980-1982, and the birth rate rose sharply from 1983 to the present. In 1999, those at the front of the wave, i.e. at the back of the trough, turned 16 or 17, and have as many years of cohorts behind them. If they hit tertiary education in about 2003, expect the wave to keep rising until at least 2020.
If the equivalent of two age-groups are at university at present, then if publicity was improved, fairly soon expect total enrolments to start rising, from ten to twelve to fifteen thousand, and after about 2010, to twenty thousand, with a seventh of that total graduating each year, i.e. from 1500 at present to two thousand per year by about 2006, and three thousand per year by about 2010. Total graduate numbers will rise rapidly again:
These final figures, 60-72,000 Indigenous university graduates, represent only about a quarter of the likely available pool. Even so, the Exceptions better start getting their anti-mass-education arguments ready. Of course, over the next twenty years, a bare undergraduate award will lose value, but with a greater and greater pool of role models, most graduates will be completing postgraduate awards as well. Life will never be easy for the Exceptions trying to keep ahead of the mob:
Ngarrindjeri Ngrilkulun, Oct. 23-24 1999Two days of performances, cultural workshops, gatherings, stalls, feasts. Adelaide Declaration, April 1999 3 One Hundred Ngarrindjeri University Graduates by 2010 ? Write this ourselves ? ATSI tertiary education has been a phenomenal success story over the past twenty years, thanks to two factors: Indigenous Support Programs, and ABSTUDY/ATAS:
By the end of 1995, about 500 graduates, with 600 awards, i.e. about 80 post-graduates, some with more than one award (a handful have up to four or more awards each). So: by the end of 2000, we can expect (even with a slow-down) about 850-900 graduates with 1,050-1100 awards between them. Comments: drastic slow-down in the growth in the numbers of teachers, nurses, etc. but plethora of graduating fields. By end of 2005, Minimum: 1,200 graduates with 1,200 awards. Maximum: 1,300 graduates with 1,400 awards. * since 1980, in South Australia, ATSI tertiary enrolments have increased tenfold; annual and total graduate numbers are twenty five times greater; a similar picture nationally; * there are now more ATSI students at university than in Year 11 and 12, more people enrolled at postgraduate level than in Year 12, and possibly more postgraduates each year than matriculants. More ATSI people start university courses each year than start Year 11 (between 200 and 260 in South Australia; 4000 across Australia); * total enrolments are equivalent to more than 1.5 age-cohorts. New UG award enrolments total more than 60 % of an age-cohort. New undergraduate completion numbers each year now total better than 20 % of an age-cohort; postgraduate completions about 8 % of an age-cohort; * Indigenous adults make up just on 1 % of the total SA adult population, but about 1.4 % of the total SA tertiary student population. Indigenous female adults likewise make up only 1 % of the total SA adult female population, but nearly 1.6 % of all SA female tertiary students; * total graduate numbers (under-, post-, Masters and doctoral) are consistently doubling every five to six years, and the growth is faster at the higher levels. Most graduates (about 65-70 %) are female. Graduate rates are rapidly approaching national non-Indigenous rates: for postgraduates, Indigenous annual graduations are better than 70 % of parity and the gap is closing at 5-10 % p.a. Total graduate numbers now total the equivalent of two, close to three, age-cohorts, or more than 7 % of all Aboriginal adults (10 % of those aged between 25 and 50). A quarter of all adult working Aboriginal women are graduates and this proportion is likely to double by 2010. S.A. Graduate Growth Scenarios Quanta of enrolments, performance, attrition, retention, graduation and re-enrolment are functions of input factors (demography, educational level, funding, education policy) and throughput factors (program competence and effort), as well as perceived output factors (employment opportunities, community link maintenance, employment policy). It is not likely that actual quantitative outcome plateaus will vary unless any or some of these factors vary or, more to the point, can be influenced to vary. But most factors are not set in stone: there is enormous room for positive change. How is the question. There is a host of factors which will affect growth in graduate numbers over the next twenty years, so predictions must range from the barest increases to the most optimistic. The following figures therefore range from the lowest likely figures to the highest, taking into account that: * growth in the entry age-group is expected to rise rapidly in about four years from now, for at least ten years, from 300-320 to 450-500 in South Australia, and from 5000 to 8000 nation-wide; i.e. by a factor of up to 1.6. * qualifying the above, since the demographic bulge will not really affect tertiary numberts until those at the front of the bulge are close to thirty: if the median age of enrolment could be reduced by much earlier intervention and publicity, from the current 28 or so down to 24 or so, over let’s say ten years, then the impact of this telescoping may be to increase the take-up rate by about 5 or 6 % p.a. from about 2006 to 2012; * universities' publicity and recruitment expertise is bound to improve over the next few years; i.e. by a factor of perhaps 1.5 (USA) to 2 (Flinders). * retention rates similarly must increase slowly in the next few years with the extension of ATAS; i.e. there is room for improvement by a factor of up to 1.3. * improvements in secondary performance and transfer to universities must surely start to increase sooner or later, in spite of current counter-productive interventions; i.e. there is enormous scope for improvement here, up to a factor of 4 or 5. However, this factor is not independent of overall tertiary commencements. * as graduate numbers rise, students returning to postgraduate study will increase in numbers exponentially; i.e. immediately, this could increase total commencements by a factor of 1.1 - 1.2, but as graduate numbers increase, so does the pool for post-graduates; for example, by the year 2005, this factor could have increased to 1.8 - 2. * as more graduates interact with the community, their examples must surely boost new enrolment numbers; i.e., in many communities, nobody has ever yet carried out any publicity at all. But it is not inconceivable that each current graduate influences, say over a five-year period, one other person to enrol; i.e. impacts on total enrolment numbers by a factor of 1.1; For these reasons, although many of them overlap, the following estimates vary by a range of almost 2-300 %: demographics x retention x PG transfer alone cover this. Total growth factor inputs could amount to six (6.2) times current first-time-graduation rates, i.e. up to the equivalent of the entire current age-group, of five thousand nationally, and three hundred in SA, annually. Currently, (1997) annual new enrolments in SA total about 270, as follows: * about 40 (16%) in post-graduate courses; * about 50 (20%) in bridging courses, DCCV, LFCM, MDUS, Adel Uni; * about 30 (16%) changing courses; * about 150 (55%) starting UG courses for the first time, or the equivalent of 44-47 % of EAG-20 (i.e. Equivalent Age-Group of 20-year-olds), or 50-55 % of EAG-28.
1994 550 320 110 240 45 495 15 100 600 1995 550 320 98 230 50 545 18 118 668 1996 550 340 100 218 55 600 21 139 736 1997 560 350 100 220 55 655 23 162 814 1998 570 360 108 225 60 715 25 187 900 1999 580 380 110 230 65 780 28 215 993 2000 590 400 112 235 70 850 32 247 1100 2002 610 440 120 250 90 1020 40 323 1350 2005 650 500 140 270 110 1320 60 473 1800 2010 700 550 180 300 140 2000 90 850 2850 NOTE: Some post-graduates may have gained more than one PG award, so total awards gained may be much greater than the accumulated totals above. For example, by 2010, total awards gained in SA may exceed 3000. In fact, if a more optimal situation were to prevail,
the figures could look more like this: South Australia (for National figures, multiply by 10-12) (Scenario 2) 17-y.o. NEW NEW TOTAL NEW Post- TOTAL TOTAL YR TOTAL AGE-GP YR 12 TERTIARY U/Grad U/Grad P/Grad P/Grad GRAD. ENROL’T Nos Nos ENROL'TS Nos Nos Nos. Nos. Nos 1994 550 320 110 240 45 495 15 100 600 1995 550 320 98 230 50 545 18 118 668 1996 550 340 100 218 55 600 21 139 736 1997 560 350 100 220 55 655 23 162 814 1998 570 360 100 225 60 715 25 187 900 1999 580 380 100 230 65 780 30 217 1000
2001 620 420 110 250 80 935 40 292 1227 2002 640 440 115 260 85 1020 48 340 1360 2003 660 460 120 275 95 1115 58 400 1500 2004 680 480 125 290 105 1220 70 470 1670
2006 720 520 140 330 135 1475 100 655 2130 2007 750 540 150 350 150 1625 120 775 2400 2008 780 560 160 370 160 1785 140 915 2700 2009 800 580 170 380 170 1945 160 1075 3020
? Natasha McNamara (Fudge, Wilson), T.Cert., Dip.Acc.? 1 1964 WTC Peter Rigney T.Cert. 2 1965 Wattle Park TC? Frank Lampard T.Cert. 3 1973 Torrens CAE Nita Koolmatrie (McAdam) Dip. T. 4 1974 Torrens CAE Bevin Wilson Dip.T. 5 1  978 Kingston Janis Koolmatrie Dip.T. 6 1979 SAIT Brian Varcoe ADSW Paul Wilson ADSW 8
Adelaide CAE Maria Rigney (Lane) Dip.T. 9 1981 Sturt Wilbur Wilson Dip.T. Adelaide CAE Dianne Rigney Dip.T. Maria Rigney (Lane), B.Ed.
Adelaide Uni Ken McNamara B.Sc. SAIT Fred Kelly ADSW 13/3
Underdale Dianne Rigney Underdale, B.Ed. Sturt Wilbur Wilson, B.Ed. 13/5
Underdale Maria Rigney (Lane) ADAS 14/5 1984 Underdale Patty Giles Dip.T. Robert Rigney Dip.T. 16/5
Underdale Gladys Mitchell (Miller) Dip.T. 17/5 1986 Underdale Leslie Sumner Dip.T. Alice Willoughby ADAS 19/5
SAIT Paul Wilson ADBus Mant 21/5 Underdale Sherrell Bonney Dip.T.
Underdale Lawrence Webster, Dip.T. Daryle Rigney, B.Ed.(PE) Josie Miller (Bennett) Dip.T. Salisbury Valda Lampard (Rigney) ADCW. SAIT Terrence Sparrow, ADCD 26/5 1989 Magill Vicki Hartman, Dip.T. Sarah Lindsay, Dip.T. Sturt Mary Karpany, DipNurs(P-Reg) SAIT Kevin Milera, ADACA Adel Uni Inessa Lane, BA Roseworthy Derek Walker? BAgr 32/6
Underdale Lester Rigney, B.Ed. (PE) Mark Koolmatrie, Dip.T. Magill Vicki K Hartman, Dip.T. Salisbury Malcolm Lane, BAS (CPM) Adelaide Uni Terrence Sparrow, BA Jur Janis Koolmatrie, B.Ed. SAIT Michelle Cole, ADACA Elaine Karpany, ADACA 40/7 1991 Magill Trevor Wingard, B.Teach. City-USA Sharon Gollan, BAAA Sonya Rankine, BAAA Sarah Milera, ADACA Adelaide Uni Inessa Lane, Adel Uni, LlB 44/8 1992 AIS IBAB Carlene Goldsmith (Barbour) MBTE Glenys Carter (Wilson)
SOC IBCY Paul Wilson Adelaide Uni Sid Sparrow, BA Jur 49/9
AIS IBAB Rodney Welch EDU MBTE Arlene Kartinyeri (Burgoyne) UBTJ Kayleen Wilson MGT IGLP Inessa Lane Adelaide Uni Terrence Sparrow, LlB 52/11 1994 UBAB Desmond Hartman ICLP Terrence Sparrow Malcolm Lane, JCUNQ, GDSci TrEcol 53/13 1995 EDU MMED Maria Lane 53/14 1996 UGAB Malcolm Lane SBCP Andrew Smith BTPJ Tanya Karpany
Adelaide Uni Marina Rigney BA Janis Koolmatrie, M.Ed.St. Dana Shen BA 57/19
Uni of SA UBTE Alice Sumner (Willoughby) 58 / 19 1998 DCCV George Wilson Beryl Kropinyeri UBDL Damien Shen MBSW Justin Smith? MBCE Louisa Schapel? 63/19 U/Grads in: Teaching (ECE, JP, Primary, Secondary, Adult), Accounting, Ab. Admin/SW/CD/AS, Science, Business Management, Conservation and Park Management, Agriculture, Arts, Nursing, Jurisprudence, Community Services, Community Work. P/Grads in: Education, TESL, Law, Legal Practice, Tropical Ecology, Aboriginal Studies. Undergraduates:  LIKELY GRADUATE NUMBERS TO 2010 (S.A.)
the figures could rise dramatically. More realistically, the most conservative figures could look like this: South Australia (for National figures, multiply by 10-12) (Scenario 2) ANNUAL TOTAL YEAR TOTAL AGE-GROUP YEAR 12 NEW GRADUATE AWARD ENROLMENT NUMBERS NUMBERS ENROL’TS NOS NOS low high low high low high low high low high 1994 550 320 110 240 65 608 1995 550 320 98 230 70 678 1996 550 340 100 220 80 768 1997 550 340 90 200 80 848 1998 550 330 85 200 80 928 1999 560 330 85 200 80 1008 2000 570 320 85 210 80 1088 2001 580 320 90 220 85 1173 2002 585 320 85 225 85 1260 2003 590 320 80 225 85 1345 2004 595 320 80 230 85 1420 2005 600 325 85 235 85 1500
2007 610 340 95 245 95 1685 2008 615 350 100 250 100 1785 2009 620 360 110 260 110 1895 2010 630 380 120 270 120 2015 Or, more optimistically (in will depend a lot on what happens to that demographic ditch): South Australia (for National figures, multiply by 10-12) (Scenario 2) ANNUAL TOTAL YEAR TOTAL AGE-GROUP YEAR 12 NEW GRADUATE AWARD ENROLMENT NUMBERS NUMBERS ENROL’TS NOS NOS low high low high low high low high low high 1994 550 320 110 240 65 608 1995 550 320 98 230 70 678 1996 550 340 100 220 80 768 1997 550 340 90 200 80 848 1998 550 330 85 200 80 928 1999 560 330 85 200 80 1008 2000 570 320 85 210 80 1088 2001 580 320 90 220 85 1173 2002 585 320 85 225 85 1260 2003 590 320 80 225 90 1350 2004 595 330 80 230 90 1440 2005 600 340 85 235 95 1535
2007 610 380 95 245 105 1740 2008 615 400 100 250 110 1850 2009 620 420 110 260 120 1970 2010 630 450 120 270 130 2100 This could represent about fifteen percent of all Indigenous adults in the state, or about twenty percent of all women, and ten to eleven percent of all men. Indigenous Tertiary Participation: getting the figures right Summary This small paper attempts to clarify the current level of Indigenous participation at tertiary level and to reassure all those concerned that this current level of participation is, contrary to concerns expressed in the recent Stanley-Hansen Report to ATSIC (1998), at or above par: In short, that:
How can this be, how have Aboriginal people succeeded in gaining parity with non-Aboriginal people at university, the highest level of education, given the generations of exclusionary and discriminatory treatment endured by Indigenous people in this country ? How has this come about, given the elitist and upper-class stereotype which tertiary education is still burdened with and yet the overwhelmingly working class nature of the Indigenous student body ? Introduction ATSI tertiary education has been a phenomenal success story over the past fifteen years, thanks to two factors: Indigenous Support Programs, and ABSTUDY/ATAS:
The median ATSI student (median = as many older as are younger) is between twenty six and twenty nine years, about two to five years older than the non-ATSI median student, which is greater than commonly realised, at about twenty four years. This is especially so in the case of external students. The Indigenous Population, 1970-1998 The Aboriginal population in South Australia rose rapidly through the sixties and into the seventies. The birth rate dropped rapidly from the late sixties: Aboriginal mothers who started their families before about 1966-1968, or who remained on some mission stations, still tended to have large families, six and eight children; mothers who started their families after about 1968, and those who had moved to the city, tended to have no more than two or three children. Birth cohorts actually declined in numbers, from about 420 born annually in the late sixties, down to 320-360 in the late seventies, to a nadir of only 280-320 or so in 1983. Proviso: Of course, these figures are reliant on Census data at the time, and are distorted by social in-migration (re-identification) since the figures were collected. For reasons that are unclear (perhaps relating to the introduction of CDEP), birth-cohort numbers started to rise rapidly from about 1984-1985, and were still rising until the mid-nineties: recent birth cohorts in South Australia have been as high as 600, almost twice (with the above proviso in mind) those of the mid-eighties. Nationally, in fact, recent rises in the Indigenous birth rate have been so great that, of the 0-5 age-group, as counted in the last Census, Indigenous numbers made up more than four percent of the national total population in this age-group. For these reasons, these sub-tertiary age-cohorts comprise some fifty percent of the total Indigenous population nationally and in this state, compared to the barely thirty or thirty five percent which young people generally comprise of the total national and state populations. Conversely, Indigenous people have continued to endure high death rates amongst adults: it is still very common for friends and relations to pass away in their forties and fifties. In fact, it is still rare to find an Indigenous person, given the dreadful effects of past policies, who is older than seventy years. The upshot of this is that, amongst Indigenous people, a far smaller percentage of the population is of adult age. Using data from the 1996 Census (Cat. No. 2020.0):
We respectfully recommend that this figure of 1.3 % be used for the time being, as the benchmark for Indigenous participation levels. This figure will need to be modified continuously over the next fifty years as the demographic bulge works its way through the population profile. It will, in fact, dip slightly over the next five years, to 1.2 %, before starting to rise again, by about 0.05 % p.a., to Stanley and Hansen’s two percent by about 2015, and three percent by about 2025-2030. Total teachers to end 1999, S.A.: = 182 UG + 16+ Dip.Ed. + 44+ PG = 242 awards = 198+ qualified teachers. Yüklə 104,57 Kb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
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