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++++Message 3575. . . . . . . . . . . . RE: Re: "Little Red Riding Hoods" in
early AA meetings?
From: David Jones . . . . . . . . . . . . 7/18/2006 7:03:00 PM
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When Alcoholics Anonymous was founded in 1935, many people believed that
women couldn't be alcoholics, much less that they deserved a place at the
A.A. table.
Although we now take for granted that the doors of A.A. are open to any
alcoholic male or
female this was not always the case. In Slaying the Dragon: The History of
Addiction
Treatment and Recovery in America, William L. White describes the challenges
faced by
women seeking recovery in the early years of A.A. The following excerpts
from White's book
highlight the struggles and contributions of these female pioneers.
The first women in A.A.
The wives of early A.A. members--particularly Anne Smith and Lois
Wilson--participated in and made immense contributions to this developing
community.
Anne's support and counsel to many of the early alcoholics is legendary. The
seeds of
many key ideas that emerged within A.A. began in the pages of her journal
and in her
conversations with early members. Both co-founders noted the role that wives
played in
the founding of A.A., Dr. Bob even suggesting that there would have been no
A.A. without
these women.
Following close on the heels of the wives of early A.A. members were the
first alcoholic
women seeking assistance from A.A.: an unnamed Indian waitress; Sylvia K.,
the
"glamorous divorcee"; Jane, the wife of a wealthy industrialist;
Lelia M.,
the heiress;
Ruth T. of Toledo; Ethel M. and Kaye M., who came into the program with
their husbands;
and Nona W.
There was also Florence R., whose story appeared in the first edition of the
Big Book, and
who objected to one of the book's proposed titles, "One Hundred
Men." She
later
returned to drinking and died of alcoholism.
Lil, the very first woman to seek help from A.A., got loaded with Victor,
another early
prospect, pioneering what would come to be christened "thirteenth
stepping"
(sexual or
romantic involvement with someone whose sobriety is relatively new and
therefore
potentially unstable). Lil, like many of the women who contacted A.A. in the
early years,
did not get sober during this period.
Marty M., who entered A.A. in New York in 1939 and went on to become the
first woman
to achieve enduring sobriety within A.A., noted that many of these women
failed to get
sober not because they were so much sicker, but simply because they were
women.
Resistance to female membership
Many early A.A. members did not believe women could be alcoholics. Some were
not
quite sure how women could fit into this fellowship, while others stated
openly that A.A.
would not work for women. Some in the latter group prophesied that the
inclusion of
women could threaten A.A.'s future. Some women entering A.A. were given rude
treatment. The first alcoholic woman involved in the Cleveland group was
"thrown out of
A.A. by the wives."
The primary fear regarding the involvement of women in A.A. was of the
potential
disruptiveness of the sexual dynamic that might emerge within the groups.
[This fear]
imbedded itself within early A.A. folk sayings such as, "Under every
skirt
is a slip."
To manage this potential disruption during A.A.'s early years, women and men
sat on
different sides of meeting rooms, and the first women were often sponsored
not by A.A.
members but by their wives. As more single and divorced women entered A.A.,
friction
between these women and the wives of A.A. men increased. This led to the
creation of
"closed meetings," attended only by alcoholics, in addition to
"open
meetings," which
were open to all.
Stigmas and stereotypes
Special problems facing women in A.A. were acknowledged as early as 1945,
when a
Grapevine article noted the isolation of alcoholic women and their
propensity to be
involved with pills as well as booze.
A Grapevine article the following year--in spite of a disclaimer that it
should not be read
as a blanket indictment of women--was filled with the kinds of stereotyping
that women
were likely to encounter in the A.A. of this period. The article made the
following eleven
points:
1) The percentage of women who stay in A.A. is low.
2) Many women form attachments too intense--bordering on the emotional.
3) So many women want to run things.
4) Too many women don't like women.
5) Women talk too much.
6) Women are a questionable help working with men and vice versa.
7) Sooner or later, a woman-on-the-make sallies into a group, on the prowl
for phone
numbers and dates.
8) A lot of women are attention-demanders.
9) Few women can think in the abstract.
10) Women's feelings get hurt too often.
11) Far too many women A.A.'s cannot get along with the non-alcoholic wives
of A.A.
members.
Women were often refused sponsorship by the male members and were viewed as
suspect due to their frequent concurrent addiction to "goofballs."
The special stigma that female alcoholics faced in the 1940s and '50s was
reflected in
some sensationalist [media] treatment. Newspaper articles about women in
A.A. bore
such titles as "Women Drunkards, Pitiful Creatures, Get Helping
Hand."
Perhaps most
outlandish was a 1954 on A.A. in Confidential Magazine entitled, "No
Booze
But Plenty
of Babes."
Jack Alexander's 1950 article on A.A. in the Saturday Evening Post noted:
"More than
one group has been thrown into a maelstrom of gossip and disorder by a
determined lady
whose alcoholism was complicated by an aggressive romantic interest."
This [negative] public image of the female drinker no doubt kept many
alcoholic women
from seeking help and led to such other unusual events as Sunday drivers in
Minnesota
passing Dia Linn (Hazelden's treatment unit for women) in hopes of seeing
"wild woman
drinkers."
Enduring contributions
Female pioneers "toughed it out" and made things easier for the
women who
followed
them. Women's groups within A.A. began springing up during the early 1940s
in
Cleveland and other A.A. strongholds. There, female A.A. members were free
to talk
about many issues (sexual abuse, intimate relationships, family problems,
menstruation,
abortion, menopause) that they would not have been comfortable addressing in
mixed-gender meetings.
Women were the dominant force behind the A.A. Grapevine and did all of the
early work of
the General Service Office, as they continue to conduct much of that
activity today.
The percentage of women within the total membership of Alcoholics Anonymous
has
risen steadily since its founding. In 1955, A.A. reported that 15% of its
members were
women; by 1968 that percentage had risen to 22%; and in the 1996 survey,
women
constituted 33% of members.
From Slaying the Dragon: The History of Addiction Treatment and Recovery in
America
by William L. White (Chestnut Health Systems, 1998). Used by kind permission
of the
author
God bless
Dave
--- In HYPERLINK
"mailto:AAHistoryLovers%40yahoogroups.com"AAHistoryLovers@-yahoogr
oups.-com,
"archie" wrote:
>
> Looking for an explanation of the term "Red Riding
> Hoods" as used in the text below. It came from the
> book "Slaying the Dragon" by William L. White on
> page 135, paragraph 1, lines 20 to 28.
>
> There were also tensions regarding the proper relationship
> between A.A. and the informal club houses that were
> springing up around the organization. An early report
> on an A.A. Clubhouse in San Francisco made note of the strain
> from "over-crowding at meetings" and the problem of
"drunks,
> panhandlers, wolves, and Red Riding Hoods upsetting the
> meetings." All of these situations reflected A.A.'s growing
> pains.
>
It might be a reference to women whose vulnerability
is a little more calcuated than genuine.
I have a vague recollection of someone who looks at
children's stories through a psychoanalytic lens
remarking on the oddity of the setup in Red Riding Hood.
Who would send a lone, small child into wolf-infested
woods? Either her mother exposed her to danger
deliberately, or RRH is not as innocent as she
appears.
Cora
____________-_________-_________-___
Note from Glenn C. (moderator): Cora, this was Eric
Berne, in his book "What Do You Say After You Say Hello?"
It's a brilliant book. He argues that fairy tales and
other childhood literary motifs often offer good
metaphors for describing the psychological games that
adults play, and the "life scripts" (an idea that he
developed) which shape the course of our lives.
E.g., some people use a disability to play "Little Lame
Prince" all their lives, taking a real disability which
they have, but using it as a phony excuse for avoiding
responsibility in all sorts of other areas where it is
not relevant. Alcoholics sometimes play this game
with their alcoholism.
In parts of this book, and also in parts of Berne's "Games
People Play," he describes women who play "vulnerable"
and "helpless," as you describe, while simultaneously
pretending to show sexual availability in a flirtatious
manner, in order to manipulate men into doing the things
they want.
In the context of Bill W.'s remarks, I suspect that a
"Little Red Riding Hood" was a woman who came into AA
meetings talking about all the "big bad wolves" who
had abused her, and batting her eyelashes at one of the
men in the meeting, in an attempt to convince him that
he was "a bold woodsman" who would step in and play hero
and "save her" from all the big bad wolves.
There are sufficient male alcoholics who are dumb
enough to fall for that con game, to enable a Little
Red Riding Hood to get into numerous sick relationships
within AA.
It was Eric Berne, as far as I can tell, who basically
developed the idea of "rescuing" and "enabling" behavior
as a kind of psychological con game which some people
play, and he pointed out that alcoholics in particular
are experts at playing that particular psychological
con game.
So a "Little Red Riding Hood" is a woman who is looking
for a man who will play Rescuer and Enabler, in the way
in which Bill W. seems to have been using the metaphor.
The idea of "codependent behavior" was a development
based on Berne's original ideas about Persecutor-Victim--Rescuer
con games, which came along a decade or so later. I think
Berne's original language is much more precise and much
more useful than the somewhat amorphous concept of
codependency, which attempts to include far too many
different kinds of psychological game playing. But
that's just me.
Tom P. (below) talks about the flip side of the Little
Red Riding Hood game, namely men who try to chat up
women newcomers to AA, and convince them that they are
the big bold heroic woodsmen who will "protect" them
from the wolves and "carry their basket of goodies for
them."
____________-_________-_________-___
From: "Tom P."
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