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§12-2: the shops are included in the tax
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- 15.3 If you had to compare the drawing of lots and elections, what expressions would you association: With the draw With the election
- Other associations you do they come from in the spirit
- A BETTER STELLVERTRETUNG Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
- A NEW FORM OF REPRÄSENTATION Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
- A NEW FORM OF REPRÄSENTATION Translation expectations expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes Result
- A PARTICIPATION quantitatively and qualitatively STATISTICSFOR Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle
- A PARTICIPATION quantitatively and qualitatively STATISTICSFOR Translation expectations expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes Result
- DÉPOLITISER THE COMPANY Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
- DÉPOLITISER THE COMPANY Translation expectations expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes Result
- A NEW LEAGUE WITHOUT NEW MAN Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes
- Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne
- 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public
- Model Theme and Country Year
| §12-2: the shops are included in the tax
Yes 8 Adopted Non 1 Rejected More information is needed before deciding 1 Rejected (10) Other Possibility to create Entsorgungsgemeinschaften (" community of jetage of junk ") 3 Adopted
AWS-§9 Produce additional documentation for raising awareness of the sorting 11 Not to mention Reduce the tax rate for the people who produce less garbage * 69
Adopted AGS-§2-1: discount of 15Euros Put in place of the detectives of the waste to check bins (sorting and waste tourism) 6 Not to mention Illustration 57: Aix-la-Chapelle. The recommendations of the citizens and their implementation. 69This recommendation is not found in the final plans but in the vote of the unit of work 11. It is noted here that point because it has been put in place by the city. Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? 4.2The mini-public and its environment: the question of legitimacy 4.2 .1Translation of expectations The authors of the theory of democracy random consider that the body learned to the fate will draw down their legitimacy in a double source: the procedure and advertising. We can translate these expectations by three sets of questions, the first concerning the procedural legitimacy intrinsic: the prize draw is it seen as legitimate by the participants? The conditions for the proper deliberation are collected? And how the participants see their legitimacy? The second series of questions concerns the contextual aspect of the legitimacy: how organizers, stakeholders, politicians, and facilitators perceive the legitimacy of the two mini-public? What is the role of the concept of transparency? Finally third, how the " rest of the population " that is to say the non-participants as well as the " public sphere " On do they consider the juries and Planungszellen ? What is the tone of the media discourse? In short, what is the relationship between mini-public and maxi-public? 4.2 .2The intrinsic legitimacy 4.2.2 .1The mini-public and the draw as procedures " From the moment it is considered that all citizens are equal (principle of democracy) we must also admit that any which can occupy any function - the draw is therefore legitimate. ≪ (P7-2, 15.2 ). The vast majority of participants considered the procedure of mini-public as legitimate (A6 and P7, 5.1 has 5.3 ). More concretely, the German citizens consider that the use of the model is legitimate because all citizens are affected by the problem of waste and that it is therefore normal to ask them what they think: it is in the framework of the Betroffenheit70. A Poitiers, the legitimacy of the model is designed in more general terms of opportunity to consult the citizens in a democracy (cf. highlights) although some participate70Cf. For example A6-6 (5.2 ) : " Mull is connected im Erfahrungsbereich relies on Burgers, so dass yesterday durchaus eine Meinungsbildung und sinnvoll ist moglich. ≪ 292
4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? Participants noted that too vast a subject may harm has this legitimacy. Similarly, the optional value of recommendations is sometimes seen as a limit: to questions 14.8 and 14.9 of the survey later, a not insignificant part of respondents consider that the Planungszelle could and should be used in a more formal framework in order to ensure a legal legitimacy (A6-2, 14.8 ). Concerning the legitimacy of the draw itself, people seem to have in the two countries the same intellectual development. They begin by declaring that it is the instrument theoretically very satisfactory because it allows you to put together a heterogeneous group of participants. They note, however, that the optional nature of the participation created a hiatus between principle and reality: those who accept to participate have a particular profile and are not perfectly representative of the population as a whole. Despite this limitation, the draw remains the " least worst " on solutions to choose of citizens during mini-public and the procedure is therefore legitime71. 4.2.2 .2The conditions for the proper deliberation The heart of the procedural legitimacy resides for a large part of theorists in the torque draw + deliberation. This last must however satisfy conditions of quality that we will focus. Six items match to establish that the two forums have been satisfactory from this point of view. First of all, they left place has a diversity of opinions regarding the problems under discussion. We cannot talk about unilateral information. Then, the program of work alternating information and deliberation, work in large and small group, discussion time and aggregation of opinions is the sign of a deliberation of quality. The participatory observation has delivered the results very clear on the matter. The discussions in small groups have been in the two countries marked by an egalitarian distribution of speaking time and by the opportunity for each participant to manifest themselves to give his opinion, process maintained so aware in the form of reminders, of specific issues, of revolutions of tables before the drafting of the elements has reporter in the sessions plenieres72. These latter have naturally leaves more room has of phe71See For example A2-14 (08:00) : " Das Prinzip ist schon in Ordnung. Aber nur jeder zehnte hat sich bereiterklart und das fuhrt das Prinzip ad absurdum ', weil sich nur diejenigen gemeldet haben, die Interested tatsachlich haben. ≪ AND A2-1 (08:29) : " Ich halte es fur die beste met Art einen reprasentativen Download This From zu bekommen. Man kann zwingen, aber das wurde das Verfahren grundsatzlich andern. Unter den aktuellen Bedingungen ist das die einzige Moglichkeit. ≪ 72See, for example, A1-2 (96-99) or A2-2 (25:14) for Germany and P1-1 (58) or P3-4 (29:30) for France. See also the illustration 51 p. 255. 293 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? Elecâ tronic of monopolization of the floor and this despite the efforts of the animation to the curb. However, this does not seem to have gene the other participants who feel the " ringleaders " as useful for advancing the discussion and ask questions critiques73. The two mini-public have also combined deliberation and aggregation in such a way as to leave room for the individual opinions while giving a priority to collective formulations. From the point of view of transparency procedural, Planungszellen as the jury of citizens seem satisfactory: the two forums were the results open and are proven using reflex that is-a-say that the participants have been able to criticize the procedure and influence the course. The whole of these observations must however be relativized by the taking into account of three points more controversial. First of all because, as we had the opportunity to see, there are the ringleaders who can influence the course of the deliberation. Then, because when it comes to draft and write, the hierarchies of education appear to emerge. This phenomenon is more marked in France or the drafting is more " literary " on74 and less visible in Germany, or a greater part of the training of the collective opinion is done by aggregation of individual votes and or the drafting is done by the animation team. Finally, in each of the two cases, the choice of stakeholders was able to play a role limiting the diversity of points of views: Aix-la-Chapelle, the citizens have had no ability to influence the agenda concerning the stakeholders. A Poitiers, they have certainly had that opportunity and have used, but the scheduled speakers were less porters of conflicting interests. 4.2.2 .3the right decision as the key to legitimacy
The empirical material has left appear a third source of procedural legitimacy, under-estimated by the theorists: it seems that the participants are very aware that they do not have legitimacy elective and that their opportunities for accountability are very limited since they are not formally judges on their acts by the rest of the constituents 73 Cf. for example P3-1 (23:41) : " Are there any dominant persons in the group? " " Yes " " And you think what? " On " It is well precisely, ca allows you to lead and influence the rest of the group. ≪ 74See for example the opinion of one of the organizers (P5-1, 29:04) : " Thinkest thou that everyone can participate in the group? " On " Non, on participation in the drafting of the opinion, not. It was totally uneven. There are people who listened but who have not produced. ≪ See also P3-6 (50:45) for the opinion of a participant. 294 4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? But also because their recommendations are optional. In order to get around this limit, they are doing everything to put in before a new source of legitimacy based on the formulation of good recommendations. As well, they claim to have worked by taking into account all the interests, in having discussed the set of subjects, after having weighed the advantages and disadvantages of each solution. They have, they say, taken into account the general interest. 4.2 .3The legitimacy in context 4.2.3 .1Mini-public and maxi-public " Die Berichterstattung der Idea und die Durchfuhrung der PZ waren in den Medien prasent. Weiterhin habe ich mit einigen Beteiligten'wahrend of Verlaufs der PZ gesprochen und festgestellt, dass auch sie als Multiplikatoren tatig Waren und Freunden, Bekannten und Kollegen von dieser Arbeit erzahlt haben. ≪ (A6-5, 4.1 ). The empirical study shows that the two mini-public were present in the public sphere has three times and through as many channels, but that this presence has been modest. Before the start of the forum, the municipal government of Aix-la-Chapelle and the parties in the coalition have presented has the press the establishment of the Planungszelle (A5-6-1 and A5-6 -2). During the two times four days, Planungszellen were supposed to work a camera, plan foiled by the participants of the first group who had invited the first day a journaliste75. Finally, the discount in February 2008, has also caused the interest of the local press and there are nearly a dozen articles on the subject, and one is the critical testimony of one of the participants. A Poitiers, the treatment of the jury by the press has also been mainly concentrated around the discount, the also with an article in the form of testimony from one of the participants the most critical vis-a-vis the procedure. The audiovisual press and radio does not seem to be interested at no time to the subject. We must therefore conclude that the interest of the media is rather limited and that the theoretical waiting on this point is little performed. This lack of interest of the conventional media could be offset by a wide dissemination of the citoyenne itself, i.e. the citizen report. The further the empirical study rather tends to show that the diffusion remains confidential: the German report was pulled has 75A1-1, (72). This event has been highly discussed during the first week. The organizers for the presence of a journalist was a danger vis-a-vis the confidentiality of discussions. For the citizens on the contrary a guarantee of transparency and publicity of the process. 295
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? 500 Copies, for most distributed during the awards ceremony, the French report has been copied and distributed mainly to the participants, and of journalists. If the two texts were accessible on the internet on the short term, this has not been the case in the medium term. Concerning on the other hand, the publicity through the multipliers, we can without hesitation move that the exercise has been a success (cf. p. 281 et seq. ). Overall, therefore, the relationship between mini-public and maxi-public is rather held in the two empirical terrain. This state of affairs is problematic if one takes into account that the citizens surveyed based part of their legitimacy precisely on advertising their travaux76. 4.2.3 .2citizens and politicians A shared distrust " Es ist interesting aber man sollte keine falsche Erwartungen wecken. Es ist ganz klar Empfehlungen und es gibt gute Grunde, warum man nicht davon went realisiert. ≪ (A3-8, 02:30). " What offends me about me this is the word jury who has a legal connotation and I think that the citizens must judge their elected and the sanction by the elections. It is in a democracy and the strong expression of democracy, it is the election. In a country where the rate of abstention mounted seriously, I think that give the illusion that democracy can express otherwise it is encouraging in my opinion the abstention at the elections. ≪ (P4-2, 00:29). The mistrust of the participants vis-a-vis the politicians that the one observed previously is not unilateral, since a part of the political actors is also skeptical about the legitimacy of the company participatory. In Germany, this distrust is presented in the same row of the supporters of the project (cf. the statement of a member of the green party who had launched the model highlights). In his speech of introduction during the first working session, the representative of the SPD certainly justifies the use of the model by the need to associate earlier and more often the citizens in the process of public decision-making (A1-1, 41) ; it emphasized however do not make a blind trust to the modele77. This position is 76A2-19 (43:20) : " In die Offentlichkeit zu treten ist das einzige auf der Hand durch pound Planungszelle. Man trifft VERBINDLICHE ZOLLTARIFAUSKUENFTE " ( binding keine Entscheidung und wenn further discussion of Vorschlag uberhaupt nicht in den Medien und geht davon against erfahrt, dann ist es unwichtig. Das met lebt davon, dass pound Kontrolle durch die Offentlichkeit nachher da ist. Und das inthe ich gut. ≪ 77His speech continues thus: " Sie mussen few zeigen Flagge, dass es eine gute Entscheidung war, sharps Modell zu benutzen. ≪ (A1-1, 41). He added in an interview in the press that the municipal council will feel 296 4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? However moderate in comparison to that of the opposition that in the two countries formulated three fundamental criticisms. Firstly concerning the legitimacy of the tool, opponents note that the employment of a mini-public is the sign of a cry face the responsibilities of elected representatives which is the work and competence to take decisions regarding the community. In France this argument takes the form of a charge of demagogie78. The second line of criticism concerns the legitimacy of the results. A Aix-la-Chapelle CDU and FDP shall bring the finger on the fact that the solution chosen by the citizens is that of the status quo so that the Planungszellen have nothing been more than " money thrown by the windows " (A3-11). A Poitiers, the criticism concerns the simple character and consensual recommendations which would not require such a methodological tools. The financial argument there is, however, less present. Finally, some politicians bring into doubt the legitimacy of the draw as a selection procedure, and based on the fact that the legitimacy in a democracy is the outcome of the vote and of him seul79. This position is however very much a minority and rarely definitive, as shown in this excerpt from interview conducted with one of the political actors the most critical vis-a-vis the mini-public (P4-1, 05:41) : " They have been chosen by chance, what. Then the, what legitimacy do they have? " On " You think what precisely of the draw? " On " Not much, because that is when even leave the fate the choice to decide for people who ... What legitimacy do they have to represent the population? On the other hand, if the appeal made to the associations, neighborhood committees, it is may be too politicized ... Finally, it may be not the bad formula, the prize draw. ≪ Democratize democracy Has the inverse of the previous positions, a part of the political actors are enthusiastic and confident in the legitimacy and appropriateness of the mini-public. Two arguments are used as a basis in this position. First and foremost, it is the draw as a Not be obligated to implement all the recommendations of the citizens (A5-6 -1). 78Cf. A-5-9-1 (1) : " Ratsherr Pabst weist darauf hin, dass sharps Thema seit Jahren in total EU quota und Gesprachen uberfraktionellen behandelt wird und halt es fur einen Offenbarungseid der Politik, dass pound keine Entscheidung herbeigefuhrt habe, sondern pound Verantwortung [now what belongs dem Burger uberlassen wolle, der zudem auch noch die Kosten fur das aufwandige Verfahren zu zahlen habe. ≪ For France see P4-2 (03:50) : " The citizens' juries, it is a little demago when same. ≪ 79This is also the opinion of some citizens (A2-16, 54:30) : " Manche wollen TeilnhemerInnen aufpassen, dass die Ergebnisse umgesetzt werden und wenn es nicht der Fall within sollte, wollen dann zur Press gehen. Wurden sie da mitmachen? ≪ ≫ Sehen , Sie, das ist das handle the device the wrong way, was ich von Anfang year kritisiere. Man macht eine Planungszelle und sagt den Burgern sie hatten eine Legitimation, die sie nicht haben. Die Legitimation hat der Stadtrat. Ladt Man die Leute ein und Sie Später denken dann subjektiv: "Wenn wir eingeladen sind und es ist so toll yesterday dann musst das auch legitim within". Aber es ist nicht so. ≪ 297 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? Procedure of choice, torque to the system of deliberation which founded in their speeches the legitimacy of the forums. The fact of having a representative sample of the population which offers solutions after deliberation. Secondly, the politicians put forward the theme of the crisis of representative democracy and the need to find viable alternatives for decision. A Poitiers is added the idea of a more dynamic assessment of public policies (P1-1, 26 or A1-1, 41). A reciprocal dependence " Später denken Sie im Nachhinein, dass die Planungszelle ein geeignetes Instrument darstellt, um Empfehlungen aufzustellen? Wenn ja, in the trennen? " On " Ja, in jeglichen trennen der Kommunalpolitik, in denen extrem Communication unterschiedliche aufeinander treffen, da Politiker is as easy as making vielfach nicht mit genugend widerstrebenden Communication konfrontiert werden (konnen). ≪ (A6-5, 14.7 ). Beyond the two previous positions of criticism and support, the exercise seems to create a reciprocal dependence between citizens and politicians. We have seen previously that the citoyenne acquires a symbolic power that binds the political actors who can no longer do as if the mini-public had not existed. A Aix-la-Chapelle this spill-over effects seems to have had at least two consequences of medium term on the traditional policy. First, the opponents of the former project have seized of recommendations for the use in their speeches against the initiators of the project (A5-6-6, 1). Secondly, and even if it is less easy to reconstruct, it seems that the exercise taken in its context iea inspired the coalition came to power in 2009. Indeed, there is in the coalition agreement between the CDU and the Grunen intention to defend the tax template has a column because it is " good and effective " and desire to make the participation of citizens the first priority of their program of government (A5-10-1, 3-4 and 14). A Poitiers, such effects are less visible, probably because the regional majority had long incorporated participatory democracy and that the latter was already a major element of its action. However, the experience has had the effect of " convince has the inside of own ranks " on, and some politicians in the majority noted during the discussions that the exercise has convinced of the legitimacy of participatory democracy (P4-3, 17:00). There's also the participatory democracy in the program of the socialist party for the regional elections 298 4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? Of 2010 (P6-11 -1). The Planungszelle as the jury of citizens thus acquire a legitimacy own through their presence in the political space. The citizens also say they feel dependent vis-a-vis the elected. First of all, they consider for much that their legitimacy lies in their role of council to the elected representatives to break the deadlock of the policy develop an important agonistic (cf. highlights). Then, they pose systematically the issue of the implementation of their recommendations and seek a portion of their legitimacy in the representative system itself, through the taking into account of their work (A1-1, 91 and A1-2, 118). It is the acceptance and the account taken of the recommendations by the representative system which is able to reassure them of their legitimacy. 4.2.3 .3The other actors and the legitimacy
The organizers and moderators have on the legitimacy a speech similar to that of politicians supporters of the model and find that it is based on the prize draw torque has the deliberation80. This is also the opinion of all stakeholders albeit that the latter shall bring forward that the legitimacy is not based on the technical competence but on deliberation and the position of independence of participants (A3-6, 22:00). 4.2 .4Conclusion: a legitimacy after the complexity We can draw three conclusions from the development perspective of empirical observations. First, the legitimacy of the mini-public is felt in a similar way by all players, and it is based on the equation legitimacy = draw + deliberation + results + optional translation of the recommendations by the representative sphere classic + advertising. Secondly, and contrary to theoretical expectations, the procedural legitimacy and advertising is not enough to base the legitimacy of mini-public in the eyes of the actors present. Thirdly and in accordance with the theoretical expectations, the Planungszellen and juries 80See for example the instructions of a moderator (P6-6-4, 31): " for example, i give you the recommendations. For example, avoid to write, we the citizens Picto-Charentais . If you start as ca, you will be demolished if the opinion is published in the regional council or elsewhere. I recommend that you do this, because often in approaches such as this, the legitimacy of the group is something which is important and which is put into questioning. The or you are legitimate, is that you are a group which has been drawn by lot. It is important that you stay within the framework of this legitimacy-the. ≪ 299
Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? Citizens seem to be able to go to the legitimacy of establishment created by the election smoothly. The players construct a new form of legitimacy which is based on the interdependence between the representative sphere classic and the deliberative process of a group of citizens learned the fate working has the search for good solutions, in opposition to the electoral policy and develop an important agonistic. 4.3A new society without new Man
At the macro-social level, the supporters of the draw hoping a multitude of changes more or less radical. His employment should give birth to new social institutions: it would blossom again popular education, a new economic sector would take its flight and the draw itself would become an institution. Specifically, we will be able to ask five questions: can we detect, has Aix-la-Chapelle and has Poitiers the emergence of these social institutions? What do the different actors of the draw? Have they learned something? And what are the financial volumes that have been in game? Can we talk of an economy of the participation? The second series of theoretical expectations, broader still, concerns the emergence of a new society more cooperative and sustainable, has anarchist trend, based on the love of risk. Can we move that the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens have reshaped the company in such a way? More concretely, if we observed the process has the implementation, the citizens they behave in a manner more cooperative and deliberative during the forums? Has there been in a collaborative framework and not develop an important agonistic? What has he been after the participation? If we now look at the opinions of actors, the participation does it among the citizens a greater empathy for the political work?Have they changed their assessment of the activity of politician and on general policy? More generally, the set of actors do they have the impression to create the foundations for a new society? Are they 300 4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? Of the opinion that their activity before during and after the forum is a stone made has a live together renewed? Has there been a case of anarchists in power? Finally, what is their position in relation to the risk, have they proved of the Babylonians was the Borges? 4.3 .2The embryos of new social institutions 4.3.2 .1The draw: high potential, many obstacles " I see it as the role of a second Chamber (Senate) composed for part of elected members and learned to spell with, surrounding of experts, the role of enlighten the first house (regional council / National Assembly) on the technical issues, the social and economic impacts of the projects of laws and the effects of long-term of some choice. ≪ (P7-2, 5.3 ). " Man konnte sagen: gone Vorschlage die uber UNFF Millionen sind, werden nicht mehr uber die Fraktionen sondern uber eine Planungszelle entschieden. ≪ (A3-2, 18:00). It was already pointed out that the whole of the actors considered that the drawing is a legitimate procedure to recruit jurors citizens and Burgergutachter. For some, however in ultima ratio ,for other in prima ratio. The subsequent survey has also enabled us to judge the mental associations that the citizens are binding on the draw (see illustration 58, p. 302). The two strongest are those with the terms " impartiality " and " independence " on. Conversely the associations the less strong are those with the terms " mandate " and " power " on. These latter are in contrast highly correlated with the vote elective. In addition, respondents associate vote and draw a " democracy ", " fair procedure " and " legitimacy " in the same proportions. The interviews involved a similar picture. The citizens do not seem prefer a procedure has the other in petrol and have from this point of view a pragmatic approach. This does not prevent the however not to consider that the drawing is a procedure with a very democratic potential in the context of our liberal societies. The citizens will moult sometimes even into theoreticians of democracy random, as shown in the highlights. They point out, however for most that the drawing may not be that a procedure among others. It has already seen the position of politicians supporters and opponents of the mini-public: for the ones the draw is a solution to the crisis of representative democracy, for the other it is an obstacle to the elective democracy. For most of the stakeholders the draw is the " the least worst solution " on 301 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? (A3-6, 06:15). Overall, therefore the theoretical expectation is to be carried out. All the actors develop a speech on the procedure, the equipping of advantages and disadvantages and for most call his wider employment of their wishes. 15.3 If you had to compare the drawing of lots and elections, what expressions would you association: With the draw With the election With the two None of the two SO / NSP FR OF Ʃ FR OF Ʃ FR OF Ʃ FR OF Ʃ FR OF Ʃ Transparency 2 2
0 3.5
3.5 2 1 3 0 2 2 4 2 6 Impartiality 5 7
0 0 0 0 2 2 1 0 1 2 1 3 Equality 4 3 7 0 0 0 2 5 7 1 0 1 2 2 4 Responsibility 1 1
3 5 8 2 1 3 0 1 1 2 2 4 Representativeness 2 2.5 4.5 2 2.5 4.5 0 3 3 1 1 2 3 1 4 Participation 5 1
0 1 1 1 4 5 0 1 1 2 3 5 Power 0 0 0 4 5 9 1 2 3 0 2 2 3 1 4 Rotation
3 3 6 0 0 0 2 1 3 0 2 2 3 4 7 Corruption 0 0 0 1 3 4 1 0 1 3 4 7 3 3 6 Elected
0 2 2 5 3 8 0 1 1 0 1 1 3 3 6 Economic 2 3 5 0 1 1 0 2 2 2 2 4 4 2 6 Destiny
2 5 7 0 0 0 1 0 1 1 3 4 4 2 6 Manipulatable 0 1 1 2 1 3 2 6 8 1 1 2 3 1 4 Expression of a preference 0 2
5 5 10 0 1 1 0 1 1 3 1 4 Mandate 0 0 0 3 8 11 3 1 4 0 0 0 2 1 3 Unpredictable 3 4
0 2 2 1 2 3 1 1 2 3 1 4 Independence 4 6 10 0 0 0 1 2 3 1 1 2 2 1 3 Competence 1 1
2 4 6 3 1 4 1 3 4 1 1 2 Legitimacy 2 1 3 0 4 4 5 3 8 1 0 1 1 2 3 Rationality 2 1
1 4 5 1 1 2 2 2 4 2 2 4 Democracy 1 1 2 1 5 6 5 3 8 0 0 0 1 1 2 Aristocracy 0 1
3 1 4 1 0 1 2 6 8 2 2 4 Oligarchy 0 0 0 2 0 2 0 0 0 2 8 10 4 2 6 Fair Procedure 2 1
0 0 0 3 6 9 0 0 0 3 2 5 Other associations you do they come from in the spirit? Parity H/F - young 1 0
0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Delegation of Authority Old
0 0 0 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Individual Involvement 1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 Careerism 0 0
1 0 1 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 TOTAL 43 48.5 92.5 36 58 94 37 48 85 20 42 62 62 43 105 With the draw With the election With the two None of the two SO / NSP
Illustration 58: Associations between drawing, vote and a series of concept. 302
4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? 4.3.2 .2a people's university: When citizens, stakeholders and organizers learn For the authors of the theory of democracy random, the corps learned the fate would be the place of a common learning, of popular universities for the participants. The empirical material is quite conclusive on this point, as has been shown by the results of the preceding paragraphs (2.2 3.2 and 3.3 or 4.1 ). The study also reveals that the stakeholders and the organizers are not spared by this process (A3-4, 26:40)81. The mini-public also have educational effects outside the process through the multiplier role played by the participants who shall transmit the information they received in their entourage and font has their turn work of education. The theoretical expectation is therefore achieved, even if this remains in the highly restricted framework of the two forums. 4.3.2 .3an economic niche Some of the authors of the corpus have the hope that the establishment of mass their models will create a new economic sector of the participation, comparable to the development of the whole railway sector or automobile has their respective eras. On this point, the interviews with the organizers and facilitators of the two countries involved a panorama contrast. On the one hand, they declare that this activity could theoretically allow them to live and that the economic potential and the request exist of latent manner. On the other side, the critical mass of experience does not seem reached. As well, in Germany no moderator cannot live entirely on mini-public. Has a level more macro-economic, the two experiments show that the economy of participation must be understood in term of potential sector whose two experiments studied here are the embryos.
4.3.3 .1exceed the Politikverdrossenheit " Ich war sehr erstaunt. Ich fand die Politiker zum de Teil sehr Alle informiert. Sie hatten doch die Entscheidung treffen konnen. ≪ (A2-10 (17:57). 81The observer that i was not more than elsewhere, and I have learned a lot on the household waste and climate change. 303 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? "For them (politicians), they have been able to confront has of the citizens of all circles which has allowed them very certainly to gauge a little pressure. And for us, it has been able to judge of what is happening above so this has been beneficial in both directions. ≪ (P3-1, 18:52). It was previously noted that the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens are not automatically the place of enchantment of representative democracy, under its form partisan and electorale82. Can we however find in the empirical material of the elements supporting the hypothesis that the drawing and the mini-public work has a level more diffuse, that of democracy as a regime? The citizens interviewed consider in their whole that representative democracy is in crisis. But for the vast majority of them, the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens are instruments has same to help has exceed this crisis. If in addition we look at the opinion of citizens on general policy we realize that they consider that the policy as a profession is not an evil in itself and all emphasize that there must be " qualities " and " skills " to exercise such a business, so they don't have any apprehension of principe83. Finally, the participants see in their great majority the tool mini-public as appropriate way to formulate public policies. Overall, therefore, the trend is the following: the citizens recognize has the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens the potential to exceed the crisis of representative democracy by stressing that a one-time use is not sufficient. The two models therefore have the potential to fill the theoretical expectation of a rapprochement between representatives and represented, between normal citizens and policy makers. 4.3.3 .2Consensus and dissensus
82Cf. supra 3.3.3.3 , p. 281 et seq. 83See for France P7-1 (14.2 ) : " It is a good thing because the policy becomes a matter of professionals: the folders are so complicated that it must have the time. " In Germany, A6-3 (14.2 ) : " inthe ich prinzipiell nicht falsch. Nur bedeutet das noch lange nicht, dass jeder auch geeignet fur seinen Beruf als Politiker ist. 304 ≪ 4. The mini-public, the new mini-companies? The empirical material leaves seem a strong trend of citizens has to be oriented toward consensus in their work in small groups, and to a lesser extent in the plenary sessions, then even that for most they were grouped at the beginning of the process a strong objection has such a search (cf. highlights). This transformation is particularly striking after the experience of the debate with politicians who represents for most of the participants a running deliberative clear: they reject then the policy develop an important agonistic and fall completely in the collaborative policy. If one adds to this the propensity of participants to work for the general interest studied previously, we can clearly conclude that the theoretical expectation of a mini-society more cooperative than competitive is achieved during the two experiments. However, we cannot judge the persistence of this attitude on the short and medium term. The subsequent investigation showed that the participants to change their behavior, have learned things, have changed their minds, etc. but nothing really helps to know if the participation the has transformed into citizens more inclined in the consensus and the cooperation in their daily lives. In addition, even during the forums, if citizens seem put aside their partisan opinions, the splinters are not absent of travaux84. 4.3.3 .3nor anarchists, or Babylonians " With the draw thou art in the difference: you do not know what is going to happen. ≪ (P3-3, 45:27) " I think that I am serving a cause humanist who is going toward a new democracy. ≪ (P5-1, 48:20) The hold the most ambitious and utopian view of a part of the authors of the corpus, that of the establishment of a new society of petrol aleatorienne, amatrice of risk and anarchist, is particularly delicate has test. Three elements of the survey seem has same to deliver tracks in response. First, when the participants were asked their opinion on the generalization of the model of the mini-public and on the idea of pull to the fate members, the answer is clear: the mini-public are an effective instrument but at the local level and the use of the draw for positions 84Cf. for example in France P6-6-4 (22) : " has the question: what is it today? Why are we the? Will we serve has something? Is it that we go further? If your answer is no, or thou remnants and then thou say yes ... or not ... and then you go. By contrast, I ask thee to stop to be negative, because ca fout a little the bourdon has all the world. ≪ 305 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action? More important would not be a good idea. This opinion is widely shared by other actors. Secondly, we can analyze the answers data has the question 17.1 of the survey later on the wishes utopians of citizens in matters of policy. For most these last wish a political class more likable, more direct democracy and participatory, more of mini-public but not revolution, not of generalization of the draw, not of Random angulation has the Goodwin. Thirdly, a part of the actors, mainly the organizers and moderators have the feeling to work for the advent of a new society (cf. highlights) but emphasize that participatory democracy is a complement to representative democracy. The empirical material shows therefore that the actors do not have become nor anarchists or convinced that the drawing is a comprehensive solution capable to regulate the whole of social interactions. The theoretical hold the most radical of authors is therefore far from being carried out on the ground.
The survey thus allows to draw four conclusions concerning expectations macro-social of the authors of the corpus. First, it is undeniable that in their internal functioning, Planungszelle and jury of citizens represent alternative modes of policy work with which human beings such that they are but the transformed: within the deliberative bubble, they are working in a more collaborative and altruistic. Secondly, we realize that in context, the mini-public however, do not change greatly the society in which they take place: they have at most a potential. Potential which is - thirdly - recognized by all the actors who agree to say that the drawing as an institution and the mini-public as a procedure have a potential educational and economic strengths and that all two could constitute the seeds of a social transformation and major policy. These same players are on the other hand, quite in agreement also for not wanting to leave the power at random. They would therefore more aleatoriens that clerocrates. 306 5. Conclusions
The empirical study qualitative of the Planungszelle and the jury of citizens allows you to draw conclusions on the achievement of theoretical expectations that we identified and presented in chapter 3. As was to be expected, some of them, once translated into context had been exceeded, other realized and of other non-fulfilled, as the synthetic table below summarizes. Some questions that remain open: what are the reasons for these results? What are the limits? How to improve the models and is it necessary to adapt and update the theory? The development in context of the two experiments in the sixth and last chapter of the study will deliver elements of response to these questions. A BETTER STELLVERTRETUNG Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes Result Better geographical representativeness The participants are representative of the population of whole in statistical terms and of diversity. 60% OF inhabitants of the center and 40% of the periphery (but by means of a quota). 20.4 % Deux-sèvres , 20.3 per cent Charente, 24.2 % Vienna and 35.1 % Charente-Maritime . The latter department is over-represented. The queue is filled, with a low distortion in Charente-poitou . Better representativity socio-economic Over-representation of the middle classes and under-representation of people of foreign origin. The categories of age 40-49 and 60-69are over-represented. Men and women are in equal proportions. Absence of farmers and under-representation of " Inactive " on. Category of age application No 40/59 shall be borne is slightly over-represented. Men and women are in equal proportions. The waiting is fulfilled only if one takes as a reference a cross-section and not " the people in miniature " on. Better representativity symbolic The participants feel they are representative and are seen as such by the rest of the population. The participants feel representative and representatives at the local level. The participants feel representative and an index suggests that they could be seen as such by their fellow citizens. The hold is carried out internally, there is a lack of information to confirm or reverse definitively in context.
A defense of mathematical interests The majority ex ante imposed its will and its interests. The participants recommend that the single tax by taking into account the general interest. The interests of the majority statistics are not necessary. The fairest system The participants will evaluate positively the regional policy. They make recommendations in the direction of the general interest and ignore greatly the criticisms of the opposiaucune The theoretical expectations is carried out such that it. We assisted in fact has a tilt of the mandate giving birth 307 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?
In economic terms not more. The citizens recommend the system regarded by them as the more egalitarian and the more simple. TION. Has representatives of a new type: the citizens' representatives. They seek the general interest in the golden cage of their mini-public. A defense of the interests through the reciprocity reflexive The citizens are put in the place of their fellow citizens and defend the most disadvantaged by a mechanism of selfish altruism. The reconvergence of political interests Citizens and professional politicians are defending the same interests. The independence of representatives There is no Fraktionszwang within the forums, opinions are changing, the fixing of the agenda is flexible is dynamic. The interests of long-term are taken into account. The citizens are not subject to partisan logical, they change their minds. The special interests are judged critically by the citizens and are not necessary. The interests of long-term and those of absent in contrast are taken into account. The agenda is fixed from the outside and it is not flexible. The participants have only a very limited power on the agenda even if they are trying to appropriate it for themselves. Hold of independence carried out internally and not performed if one takes into account the question of the fixing of the calendar. A cooperative process and deliberative The citizens behave in a more cooperative and less develop an important agonistic. The participants reject very strongly the policy develop an important agonistic. They stand out from the professional politicians in their work. They act collaboratively during the working sessions. The waiting is done. A mandate not imperative The citizens do not receive an imperative mandate strict and have certain freedoms. The citizens receive an imperative mandate on the part of the authority which the prompt, are conduits has forced march toward the general interest, and are delivered to the hands of the facilitators and organizers: their margin of maneuver is therefore very small. However, during the forum, they exceed their thematic mandate and to interfere in the process itself. Hold carried out internally and not performed in context. A new form of accountability The representatives realize a priori by their representativeness and a posteriori by their link with the public sphere. The actors are based on a classical concept ofaccountability : the citizens are receiving a mandate and make their accounts to the elected representatives through the report citizen in the loading to implement their recommendations. They are also in relationship with the public sphere through the media and by their role of multiplier. The waiting is not carried out such what, we observed a conventional mechanism ofaccountability to complete an interactive dimension: the citizens expect a return ofaccountability. 308 5. Conclusions
All and not each There is a quantitative and qualitative augmentation of the participation. The utilitarian calculation between cost and contribution of participation becomes positive and the citizens are motivated to participate by the subject. It was not " all " on the citizens (cf. Stellvertretung), and it is not known exactly why the absent do not participate. When they meet, the citizens are as interested in the subject itself that the model and no more abandon the approach; they do not seem in addition not refuse by principle the participation has a mini-public. The arrangements like the compensation are important, symbolically but also substantially. The theoretical expectations are partly met: the participation is wider than in other types of process even if the offer of participation is not sufficient to create the request. The methodological arrangements are important (remuneration, child care, etc). The political context communal played a role (incinerator, previous referendum on an architecture project). The regional political context played a role (S. Royal as figure national policy which is looming with participatory democracy). The opinion of Mr. all-the-world The citizen competence is multidimensional and relative: each brings its own knowledge. The citizens use in the two countries has their knowledge of use but also employ registers more technical and professional correspondents has their center of interest, and specific competences. They declare themselves to be more responsible than competent and relativize their competence. The expectation is fulfilled. The participants are real amateurs of policy. The empowerment of citizens The participants gain of Fachkompetenzen on the short, medium and long term and the mobilizing during the work. They are ready to change of opinion The citizens are appropriating the language of actors and their debates rise in complexity and slightly in generality. On the medium and long term, these skills are evolving toward Handlungskompetenzen and a general interest in the subject. During the forum they change of opinion on the basis of debates. The expectation is fulfilled. A Aix-la-Chapelle, the skills are more technical and detail because of the subject highly specific and technical. A Poitiers the rise in generality is more important, probably because of the subject and its level of issues. The participants acquire Handlungskompetenzen on the short, medium and long term. The citizens to change their behavior and are transformed into effective multipliers in their entourage concerning the topic. Some earn and use of skills more indirect (concerning the group animation), politics (political commitment after the forum) and social skills (exceed the timidity). On the long-term remains an interest for the subject for the most part. The expectation is fulfilled. Of the participation germ an enchantment of the traditional policy. The policy develop an important agonistic partisan is rejected. On the other hand, the participatory democracy is appreciated and recommended. The expectation is not met in the two cases. The difference is explained by the context: has Aix-la-Chapelle the model assumed a blocking situation of the policy develop an important agonistic and Poitiers has a pro-active policy. Confidence in the elected tends to decrease and the participation has no effect on the political opinions of the participants. Confidence in the elected increased a little and influence the political opinions of the participants. The participants shall cease to be individuals fragmented and are transformed into a political community. The group work and the methodology of the participation create a community of citizens who work in the research of the general interest. The waiting is filled under condition (the methodology of deliberation). 309 Chapter 5: Aix-la-Chapelle and Poitiers, the theory in action?
Become the decisive voter The opinion of each individual citizen account more than in the conventional process of participation. Within the deliberative process, the citizens exercise their individual power. In contrast, the weight of each notice decreased very strongly at the macro level, when the opinion is drafted and submitted to the authorities agents. The expectations of the group of authors who place the emphasis on deliberation are more realized.
Make the power to the people The political power and participation expands beyond the conventional circles. The policy becomes the case of all. The people present is politically biased. The assets in politics are slightly over-representation in the two mini-public. Hold the partially completed. The participants are far more varied than in the tools of conventional participation but on average more active in politics than their fellow citizens. Many of the participants have an interest prior to the communal policy. The participants close to the regional majority are redundant. There is a simplification of the policy and its language. The citizens are asking for clarification on the concepts and resume the stakeholders when they do not understand. They write in clear terms. Once handed over, the opinion is translated in terms of administrative and legal and becomes more complex. Hold filled in part. The simplification takes place but it is limited to the debates and has the opinion. The recommendations of the citizens are taken into account by the political-administrative. The heart of the recommendations of the citizens is put in place in the two cases. The refusal of certain proposals is justified. In addition, the floor citizen acquires a dimension and a symbolic force that the other players cannot ignore and vis-a-vis which they must position themselves. The wait is exceeded: even when the recommendations are optional no one actor can ignore. The transfer of power takes place. The intrinsic legitimacy The mini-public and the drawing are be procedurally views as legitimate. The mini-public is seen in the two countries as a procedure has even in part to remedy the crisis of liberal democracy because of its intrinsic qualities. A Aix-la-Chapelle the legitimacy is designed more in terms of Betroffenheit and in Poitou-Charentes more in terms of the defense of the general interest. The drawing is seen in both cases as a legitimate tool despite the fact that the voluntary participation resulted in a through socio-economic among the participants. However, it remains the " least worst " of the means of selection. The expectations are realized. The mini-public and the drawing are seen as legitimate by the participants. The conditions for the proper deliberation are met and provide legitimacy to the procedural model. The conditions for the proper deliberation are presented: we observed an alternation between deliberation and aggregation and between information and discussion. Working in small groups allows each to express themselves. Speaking times are relatively well distributed. The queue is reached even if some procedural weaknesses are a same to call into question the legitimacy of the procedure. The citizens may not choose the stakeholders which gives an important power of manipulation to the organizers. The drafting group leaves appear the hierarchies of education and injured the procedural equality. The result of the mini-public is legitimate because the procedure is legitimate. The participants seek to produce the best possible decision in order to ensure legitimacy on a basis not as procedural. They believe that they must compensate for their lack of legitimacy of establishment (because they are not elected) by the search for the correct decision. The theoretical expectation is reversed. The participants are not confined to a pure procedural legitimacy. They are seeking a substantial legitimacy. 310 5. Conclusions DÉPOLITISER THE COMPANY Translation expectations expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes Result The extrinsic legitimacy There is a strong relationship between the mini-public and the maxi-public and a high level of transparency is reached. The two mini-public are modestly present in the public sphere and media. The opinion citizen remains quite confidential. Citizens act in contrast as multipliers in the maxi-public. The expectation is fulfilled in part: there is a relationship between the mini-public and the public sphere but which remains limited. The other actors in the presence (partisan politics, organizers, facilitators) consider the mini-public and the draw as legitimate. The actors are very divided on the model: some are defending from the beginning, others are there align themselves after having seen the operation, others remain skeptical even after, a last group finally rejects the principle of the mini-public. The idea of the prize draw is sometimes criticized on the form (quotas, lack of representativeness) but not on its principle of suitable tool for the selection has the entry of mini-public. The wait is greatly achieved. A NEW LEAGUE WITHOUT NEW MAN Expectations Translation of expectations Aix-la-Chapelle Poitou-Charentes Result Of the uselessness of change human nature The model can be used in the current framework, as such. Without revolution. The mini-public was able to be used without need for new regulations and with the citizens as they were. Hold done. New social institutions The draw in either is perceived as a symbolic institution endowed with unique characteristics. The participants combine the draw with concepts such as the impartiality and independence. They see as legitimate and democratic in itself that the vote elective. The other actors also to develop a speech on the procedure. It acquires an important place as such. The expectations are carried out at the micro-level and not carried out at the macro level. It was embryos of social institutions. The training continues: the mini-public are mini-universities. Citizens as stakeholders and participants say they have learned during the four days of work. The mini-public are a place for learning. The use of the models revealed a new economic sector. The financial volume in game is important on both sides of the Rhine, there is an economic activity, but very limited in time and invisible at the macro-economic level. A remodelled society The mutual understanding between citizens and politicians increased. The participants put in before it must be of quality and skills to make the policy and does not call into question the idea of politics as profession. They reject in contrast the policy develop an important agonistic. Politicians recognize the usefulness of the mini-public for most. The expectations are carried out within the mini-public: the participants are working in a more collaborative and altruistic. In context, the mini-public do not change greatly the society in which they take place: they have at most a potential. The society becomes more harmonic and consensual. During the forums, the citizens behave in a consensual manner and collaborative. It is impossible to say if this attitude persists after the forum. The citizens like the risk and the game. They have trends anarchists. The participants refused the generalization of the drawing as a mode of selection and do not see the drawing as a holistic solution.
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The conceptual and empirical investigation of the previous chapters can now be contextualized to bring elements of response to the questions remained open. First, those concerning the real potential of the theory and practice, i.e. their strengths and weaknesses in a overall political context, once out of the libraries and the bubble deliberative. Secondly, those concerning the well-founded and the conditions of realization of a policy aleatorienne. Thirdly, those around the agenda necessary to the advent of such a policy if it is deemed desirable. Reply to this set of questions asked to employ a grid of reading based on two dimensions, the first of which is that of the levels which is structured around three levels: the two empirical experiences, the mini-public as instruments aleatoriens and the theory of democracy random itself. The second dimension, that of the contours, asked successively the questions of the potential (strengths and weaknesses), the conditions of realization and the agenda of institutional engineering and research. We will therefore successively in the potential of the mini-public (1) and has the question of the institutional engineering the concerning (2), prior to broaden our thinking to the potential of the draw in politics (3) and has a possible agenda in this area (4). Chapter 6: The contours of a policy aleatorienne 1. Of Hagen in Sydney and Vancouver to Wenling: The potential of mini-public 1.1Methodology In order to contextualise the better the empirical study, we chose to spend 23 empirical studies comparable to those of the previous chapter in the sieve of the grid of reading of theoretical expectations in order to see if the results obtained tend to confirm or if on the contrary the two experiences of Aix-la-Chapelle and of Poitiers must be regarded as exceptions. The case, presented in the following table (cf. illustration 60, p. 315), have been selected to reflect the diversity of the models presented in chapter 4 as well as the variety of subjects and of political contexts and temporal.
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