Regional political parties in india s. Bhatnagar pradeep kumar

The aforesaid discussion shows that the MUF is a conservative conglomeration of various fundamentalist groups in the Kashmir valley. It concerns with the affairs of the Muslim community of Kashmir and has nothing to do with the problems of other sections, basically, it was founded to safeguard the identity and rights of the Muslim community as also

194

the culture and civilisation of the Muslims in Jammu and Kashmir. "The MUF Constitution itself says that the Muslim United Front will be aloof from politics in so far as it will not involve itself in any non-Muslim political activity."21 The Front partners do not at all believe in any secular politics. The March, 1987 assembly election was thus described by the Front as a contest between "Islam and Secularism". The front had also asked for the holy Quran as its symbol but it was denied by the election commission. The cadre of the various groups is dominated by the indoctrinated youth falling mainly between the age group 20-30 years or so. Educationally, most of them had obtained college and university education. Mention may be made here that the spread of certain groups of the MUF such as the Jamaat-e-Islami in the educational institutions, government services and professions has been significant.

As regards the finances, the Front is reported to have sufficient economic resources at its command. Frequently, it is accused of receiving petro-dollars and money from across the border. Besides the external factor, the Front partners themselves represent relatively well-off economic sections in the Kashmir Valley. The Kashmir valley in recent years has acquired considerable economic prosperity. The major inducement to its prosperity has come from the developments in the field of horticulture, modern agriculture, tourism, transport, hotels, handloom industry, Gulf money, etc. etc. All this has brought about a vast change in the life of Kashmiris who earlier had to undertake labour and hard work to earn their livelihood. In terms of class interests the MUF, by and large, represents the well to do sections belonging to the upper strata of society in the fruit rich areas and business circles in the valley. It is also reported that several wealthy sections who have accumulated wealth by exploiting the poor Kashmiri Muslim masses, are supporting the Jamaat-e-Islami to serve their interests. The following comment further explains about the class character of the dominant group in the MUF as:

"cadres of Jamat-e-Islami are invariably affluent and rich people. It was for nothing that in the aftermath of the execution of Z.A. Bhutto in Pakistan in 1979, to which Jamaat-e-Islami was a party there, the properties of the members of Jamaat became the special targets for destruction at the hands of the protesting people in Kashmir. Their orchards were felled down, their black and white and colour T.V. sets were set at fire, their jersey cows were slaughtered".22

Like the Jamaat, the Umaat's base also lies among the well to do and prosperous business groups in the Anant Nag area. Thus, the MUF,

195

broadly represents the economically well entrenched sections in horticulture, business and also services. Strange as it may seem, the role to the Mirs, Maulvis, Mullahs and Mosques instead of declining has gone up with the rising affluence of the people in the valley in recent years. The logic of the structure is such that the affluent classes hardly want any check on the growth of religion communal and conservative forces. They rather frequently use them for safeguarding their vested interests. The cry of religion and other issues including the accession of the State instead of being as real have been usually raised for purposes of serving the vested interests.

The accession issue, as mentioned above, was not raised in the Manifesto but it was pledged that the Front would strive to see that the leaders of both India and Pakistan improve relations between the two countries in the spirit of the Simla agreement to bring to an end once for all the "political uncertainity hovering over Kashmir for the past four decades." However, in the wake of electioneering all sorts of issues including accession were raised to whip up peoples emotions.

The Campaign

Interestingly, with the election date coming closer, the Front leaders made it a war cry against the NC(F) - Congress (I) combine. The Front in fact had entered the assembly elections on the slogan of Nizam-e-Mustafa! The Front leaders asked the voters to vote for the Front's candidates in the name of Islam. Quran-Sherif was prominently inscribed on the banners of MUF. The election was regarded as a Jehad (religious battle). While pleading for an Islamic State in J&K, they repeatedly announced that "Islam cannot survive under secularism". Dr. Qazi Nissar said, "This is a fight for restoration of rights of the Kashmiri Muslims. It is against "Brahman Samrajya". We want to defeat this "Imperialism".23 These leaders accused India of treating Kashmir as its colony. Morever, they also alleged that the family of Sheikh Abdullah has been exploiting the Kashmiris for the last 50 years or so. Most of the Front partners had in fact never reconciled with the Sheikh and his family. The front, for making the campaign more intensive, had also pressed cassettes into its poll campaign which were played on the tape recorders from numerous mike-fitted vehicles deployed in different constituencies. The cassettes extolled the Islam and Quran and spoke of Nizam-e-Mustafa. Interestingly, Dr. Farooq Abdullaha, due to his coming closer to the central ruling elite of the Congress (I), was described as a "Tilak Dhari Pujari of Vaishno Devi".

196

Most interestingly, the Front also devised a strange way of introducing its candidates to the voters in Srinagar. The candidates were dressed in white coffins and paraded as suicide squads. As candidate after candidate was presented before thousands of people at Iqbal Park on 4 March 1987, the slogans of "Rehbar Rehnama, Mustafa Mustafa", "Muslim Muthada Mahaz Ki Mallab La-illa, Ill-Allah" rented the air. They took the oath that they would accept the ultimate authority of "the Koran, Sunnat" and that they would fight for the cause of the Muslims and strive for an Islamic revival and protection of Islamic identity. They held green flags with pictures of the Holy Koran embossed on them. The Iqbal Park (Srinagar) reverbrated with slogans of "Rehbar Rehnuma, MUP", Musl-mano Ki Shinakhat, MUF", "Kashmiriyon Ka Taz, MUF and "Allauho-Akbar"24. Mr. Syed Ali Shah Geelani while raising the issue of Kashmir's settlement said that "accession was not done in accordance with the wishes of the Kashmiri Muslims". Whereas Qazi Nisar in this regard accused Sheikh Abdullah of having gone back on promises he had given to the people in 1947. He said, "Kashmiris were given an understanding that one day they will see Islamabad and Rawalpindi but their hopes were belied." Whereas Mr. Abdul Gani (MUF leader) during his speech said "I love Pakistan" but added "It does not mean I hate India". Mr. Geelani appreciated the Sheikh for his role in 1953 but accused him for the 1975 accord with Mrs. Gandhi. Similarly he accused Dr. Farooq Abdullah for bowing before the Centre to become the Chief Minister in 1982 and 1986. They all accused the Sheikh and his family for perpetuating family rule in Kashmir.

During the course of their fierce battle against the Congress (I) and the National Conference alliance the front leaders warned the voters and said, "If they (Muslims) do not vote for the MUF they will get the blame that Muslims in Kashmir had voted against Islam". Mention may be made here that throughout the electioneering there was hardly any emphasis on the economic programmes, policies and developomental activities. Not to blame the MUF alone, even the other groups and parties including N.C. (F)-Congress (I) alliance also did the same to the issues of socio-economic development during the elections in the state.

Electoral Performance

The National conference which had so far monopolished the votes in the Valley was put into serious difficulties by the MUF in about 36 assembly seats out of the total 42 in the valley. Generally, it was believed that an alliance between the National Conference and Congress (I) would

197

promote secular tendencies but things have proved the other way. The MUF got as much as 18.9 per cent of the total valid notes polled in the State. Interestingly, in the Valley it scored as high as 31.9 per cent of the total valid votes cast. It will be interesting to mention here that the score of the Congress (I) in the Valley remained only 7.9 per cent. Moreover, the National Conference which got 59.3 per cent valid votes in the Kashmir Valley during the June 1983 assembly elections was reduced to 45.2 per cent in the March 1987 elections. The Jamaat-e-Islami a major partner of the MUF in 1983 could score only 6.6 per cent votes in the Valley. What a sizeable gain (31.9%) in March 1987? It may be mentioned here that had the original combination of the MUF with the A.G. Lone and G.M. Shah continued during the elections the situation perhaps would have undergone considerable change. A.G. Lone's Peoples Conference in these elections even against heavy odds, got as much as 94045 votes in different parts of the Valley. In some constituencies like Handwara, Kupwara, Bandipore etc., the peoples' Conference candidates got very close to the National Conference. Interestingly, in about half a dozen constituencies where the MUF and peoples Conference candidates were facing each other their score together went far higher than the winning NC(F) candidates.

In terms of seats the Front could win only four seats but, as mentioned, it mustered almost 32 per cent of the valid votes. Apart from this, it lost in three constituencies by narrow margins; in Bijbehara by 100 votes, in Wachi by 122 votes, and in Shopian by 336 votes. It may also be mentioned here that the number of rejected votes in these constituencies was 1,177,1,703 and 1,122, respectively. It exceeded the margin of victory of the National Conference candidates. More than this, the MUF after the declaration of results converted the whole State into a tense situation on the allegation of large scale rigging by the ruling National Conference. The results were thus followed by bundhs, strikes, violent incidents resulting in large scale arrests of the MUF activists; some of whom are still languishing in the States' jails.

The results of the 1987 elections in Jammu and Kashmir contrary to the assessment of the media and others reveal that the role of the fundamentalist forces in the State has increased tremendously. As very aptly remarked: "It is a measure of either ignorance or hypocracy on the part of the national political leadership and the national media that they have hailed the results of the elections to the Jammu and Kashmir Assembly as a triumph of secularism and rout of fundamentalism. On the contrary, the election results reflect a phenomenal increase in the strength of

198

fundamentalist forces in the Kashmir Valley."25

In brief, it can be concluded that the fundamentalist consciousness in the State of Jammu and Kashmir instead of declining has vastly increased in recent years. It has been built upon the feelings so aroused and shaped over a considerable period of time. The MUF is also a product of this scenario. So far, it has been dominated by the Jamaat-e-islami which stands for the rights and identity of the Muslims in the Jammu and Kashmir State. It entails some pro-Pak feelings and regards the accession of the State to India as controversial.

Economically, the Front enjoys a sound position. Most of its constituents represent the well-to-do sections of the State. Its spread in the rural areas is of course limited. But it has been gradually increasing through the medium of educational institutions and other propaganda devices. Its strength lies in the committed and indoctrinated Muslim youth in the Kashmir Valley. Most of its candidates who contested the March 1987 elections were also young and highly educated. Like the other front leaders, they also described the March 23 election as a referendum between the Islamic fundamentalism and the Indian secularism.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. Quoted in R .N. Kaul, Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah: A Political Phoenix, New Delhi, Sterling Publishers, 1985, p. 107.

2. Ibid.

3. Balraj Puri, "Problems and Prospects of Federalisation: The case of Jammu and Kashmir" in EPW, vol XVI, 20, May 16, 1981. p. 896.

4. Ibid.

5. Balraj Puri, "The Era of Sheikh Mohammad Abdulla", in EPW, Vol. XVIII, February 5, 1983, P. 189.

6. G.H. Khan. "Freedom Movement in Kashmir" (1931-1940), New Delhi, Light and Life Publishers. 1980, P. 256.

7. Ibid.

8. Ibid, p. 260.

9. Directorate General of Information and Public Relations, "Accord : A Watershed", Published by the Publication Division, Jammu, p. 1.

10. Ibid, p. 2.

11. Mohd. Sayeed Malik, "National Conference in Twilight", in The Kashmir Times, February 10, 1987.

12. The Hindustan Times, April 24, 1964.

13. See, the editorial, Daily Excelsior, February 20, 1987.

14. See, Daily Excelsior, February 25, 1987.

199

15. The Indian Express, April 9, 1987.

16. See Srinagar Reporter, "Anatomy of Secessionists" in the Jammu Panorama, June 1987, p. 22.

17. Ibid, p. 21

18. Prem Nath Bhatt, "Kashmir Congress X-rayed" Daily Excelsior (Jammu), March 19, 1987.

19. See, The Kashmir Times, March 22, 1987.

20. The Kashmir Times, Feb 14, 1987.

21. Shyam Kaul, "MUF is tough, Is it?" The Kashmir Times, March 11, 1987.

22. R.K. Khashoo, "Known and Unknown Devils: Pre Poll Scenario" The Kashmir Times, March 18, 1987.

23. See, The Kashmir Times, March 5, 1987.

24. Ibid. Also see Daily Excelsior, March 5, 1987.

25. Balraj Puri, "Fundamentalism in Kashmir, Fragmentation in Jammu" in EPW, Vol. XXII, May 30, 1987, p. 835.

200 201

INDEX

AIADMK 10, 82, 131-65

Election Committee 139

Election manifestos 139

Electoral history 142-43

Electoral participation 139

Electoral propaganda 140-41

Emergence of 134-38

Ideology 138

National role 160-62

Abdullah, Farooq 171, 176

Abdullah, Sheikh Mohd. 171, 176

Adivasi Mahasabha 70

Akali Dal 5, 8, 107-29

Akali Dal, Autonomy, Demand for 109, 119

Boundary disputes 109

Coalition 116-19

Communication 122

Demands 109

Elections, participation of 113-16

Emergence of 107

Future prospects 123

Jana Singh, Alliance of 113, 116

Janta Party, Alliance of 114, 117, 118

Janta Party, Conflict of 117

Party Strategy 121-23

Peasantry, Demands of 109

Politics Versus Teligion 108

Post independence period 108

Religious demands 109

Sant faction 119

Sikh homeland. Demand for 110

Split of 112-13 Akali Dal Government, Dismissal of 122

Akali Dal leadership, support of 119-21

Akali Dal (Longowal) 1, 9, 112

Akali Dal manifesto, Assembly elections (1980) 112

Akali-Nirankari relations 117

Akali Akharas 76

All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad, 30, 57

Citizenship, issue of 41

Electoral roll Revision of 42

All Assam Student's Union 30, 57

Citizenship, issue of 41

Demands 34, 36, 56

Electoral roll, Revision of 42

National Convention (1984) 38, 58, 59

National Convention (1985) 43

National workshop (1984) 58

All Assam Tribal Association 43

All Assam Yuvachatra Parishad 43

All India Akali Conference (1978) 110, 119

All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazagham see AIADMK

All I&K Hindu Conference 188

All J&K Muslim Conference 168, 187

All J&K National conference see National Conference

202

All Party Action Committee of Ladakh 186

Alsafri. Agha Syed Mustafa 193

Amarnatha Reddy, N 100

Anadurai, C.N. 133

Anandpur Sahib Resolution 9, 12, 110, 114, 119

Anchalik Gana Morcha 59, 60

Andhra Agitation 85

Andhra Pradesh, Elections, Casteism 98

Emergence of 83

Legislators, Directives to 89

Regional Parties 1

Anjuman-e-Islamia 168

Anjuman-e-Sharishian 193

Annadurai, C 134

Annaism 138-39

Ansari, Maulana Abbas 193

Army of Tripura People's Liberation Organization 21

Article (370) 171, 181

Article(371 A) 10

Arunachal Pradesh, Chinese Interference 24

Industries 26

Assam Yuvak Samaj 43

Ashok Paper Mill 42

Asom Gana Parishad 1, 5, 9, 10, 29-48

Constitution of 44-45

Elections (1985) 29, 45

Emergence of 38, 43, 62

Golaghat Convention 43

Government, Formation of 47

Membership of 45

Organisational structure 45

Women MLAs 48

Asom Jatiyatabadi Dal 43, 56

Assam, Assembly elections (1985) 46

Bengali immigrants 31, 33

Bengali Language 52

Bangalis 52

Casteism 52

Census report (1931) 53

Census report (1951) 55

Citizenship 41

Demography 32

Domiciled and Settlers Association 53

Economic development 41

Elections (1983) 37, 40

Electoral rolls (1979) 36

Employment opportunities 56

Foreigners issue 40-41

IIT 42

Immigrants 51, 52, 63

Immigrants, Votes of 55

Language movement 63

Language problem, 52

Languages 56

Marwaris 53

Muslim immigrants 31, 53, 54

National Political Convention (1985) 61

Population 55

Post accord situation 42

Regional Parties 1

Assam accord 42, 61

Assam agitation 25

Assam Agricultural University 38

Assam problem Foreign Nationals 30,33

Settlement 40

Assam Provincial Committee 32

Assam Sahitya Sabha 43

Atal, Yogesh 3

Avtar Bani 117

Back, Ignes 70

Badal, Parkash Singh 112, 117, 118, 121

Bakshi, G.M. 171, 174, 180

Bangla Congress 7

Bangladesh, Emergence of 32

203

Banjhi incidence 77

Barman, Dasarath Deb 21

Barnala, Surjit Singh 113, 118

Baruah, Deba Prasad 58

Beg, Mirza Afzal 7, 174, 175, 176

Bhajan Lal 12

Bhandari, Nar Bahadur 6, 10

Bharatiya Janata Party, Tamil Nadu 132

Bhaskara Rao, Nadendla 88, 89

Bhaskara Rao, V. 81

Bhim Singh 6, 7

Bhumij revolt (1932) 70

Bhutto, Z.A. 194

Bihar Colliery Kamgar Union 73

Bihar Prantiya Hul Jharkhand 71

Bihari, Tkoudam Kung 19

Bombwall, K.R. 1

Borbora, Golap 57

Bordoloi, Arup 59

Burdoloi, Gopinath 32

Bore, Thaneswar 59

Burney, S.M.H. 21

CPI 4

Tamil Nadu 132

Tripura 21

CPI (M) 4

Tamil Nadu 132

CPI (ML), Tamil Nadu 132

Cachar District, Legislators 34

Centre State Relations 11

Chakravorty, Nripen 21

Chandigarh, Transfer of 113

Chandra Shekhar 118, 119

Chenna Reddy, M. 83

Chetav Baishi 76

Chittoor Zilla Parishad 82

Chotanagpur, Jharkhand Party 69

Minerals 72

Chotanagpur Adivasi Mahasabha 70

Chotanagpur Kisan Sabha 70

Chotanagpur Urtnati Samaj 70

Chowdary, D. Kondilah 100

Civil Disobedience Movement 167

Coimbatore, By-Election 143

Congress, Andhra Pradesh, Failure of 86-90

Congress, Andhra Pradesh, Intra-party conflict 85

Factionalism 89

Split of 83

Congress, DMK, Differences of 133-34

Majhabi Sikhs, Support of 120

Congress (I) 5, 11

Andhra Pradesh 87

Tamil Nadu 132

Congress (O), Tamil Nadu 132

Cotton Prices, Punjab 112

Cripps Mission 70

Cross Regional Party 4, 5

DMK 1, 5, 8, 133

Factional fight 134

Madurai Party Conference (1972) 136

Winning of power (1967) 133

Darjeeling, Regional autonomy 7

Dass, C. 100

Delhi accord (1974) 189

Desai, Morarji 18, 118

Dhankatia movement 74

Dhar, D.P. 174

Dharampur Constituency, Electorate 37

Dindigual Constituency, By-Elections 14243

Dravida Munnetra Kazagham see DMK

Dravida Nadu, Principles of 138

Dutta, Anuradha 29

Election Commission 4

Emergency 114

204

Fateh Singh 110, 122

Gandhi, Indira 11, 21, 75, 112, 114

Gandhi, Indira Versus Telugu Desam

Gandhi, Rajiv 24, 77

Gandhi, Sanjay 86

Gandhi-Kamraj National Congress 132

Ghising, Subhash 7

Gill, Lachman Singh 116

Glancy Commission (1931) 168

Goalpura district. Electorate 34

Gorkha National Liberation Front 7

Gorkhaland 7

Goswami, Biode 59

Grain golas 76

Gulshan, Dhanna Singh 118

Gurbhachan Singh (Baba) 117

Gurnam Singh 117

Hanumaiah, Ch. 100

Haridwar Rai 69

Harrison, Sellig S. 2

Haryana Legislative Assembly, Elections of 1

Hindu-Sikh Naujawan Sabha 188

Hrangkhowal, Vijoy 22

Hul Jharkhand 71

Immigrants act (1950) 33

Imphal Valley, Insurgency 21

Indian Union Muslim League 132

Indira, D. 100

Indira-Sheikh Accord 171, 175

Inqlabi National Conference 176

Ittehad-ul-Muslimeen 190

Jammat-i-Islami 8, 190

Janata Party, Alliance of 177

Jammu and Kashmir, Anti Defection Bill 176

Assembly elections (1977) 171

Assembly elections (1987) 181

Communal Violence 190

Constitution (1939) 169

Pakistan invasion 170

State elections 174

Jammu and Kashmir Youth National Conference 172

Jana Sangh, CPI, Relations of 116

Hindus, influence of 116

Jana-Congress 84

Janardhan Reddy, N. 87, 100

Janata Party 4, 11, 84

Gujarat 5

Karnataka 5

Tamil Nadu 132

Uttar Pradesh 5

Jharkhand, Districts of 75

Jharkhand Mahasabha 78

Jharkhand Mukti Morcha 7, 73

All India Jharkhand Party, Alliance of 75

Assembly elections (1985) 76

Congress (I), Alliance of 74

Elections, Performance of 77

Jharkhand Party, Bihar 69

Congress, Merger of 71

Split of 71

Jharkhand Vichar Manch 7

Kamraj plan 175

Kangleipak Communist Party 19

Kantamma, T. Lakshmi 100

Kaglang, S.S. 18

Karan Singh 186

Karbi Anglong People's Conference 60

Karbi Parishad 43

Karrar, Ghulam Mohiuddin 174

Karunanidhi, M. 134

Kashmir Conference 174

Kashmiris Right of Self Determination 171

205

Keisheing, Rishang 21

Keshav Rao, K. 100

Khash, Summander 167

Khasi tribe, Meghalaya 25

Khasiphur National Council 25

Khemungam, Laik 19

Kisan Oraon Rebellion (1918) 70

Kissan Mazdoor Praja Party 83

Kol insurrection (1831) 70

Kolhan Rasha Singh 73

Kolhanistan, Demand for 73

Krishikar Lok Party 83

Lakhimpur 31

Laldenga 10

Latchanna Gouthu 89

Linguistic reorganisation. States 2

Lok Dal 5

Lok Dal (B) 1

Lok Sabha (5 th), Dissolution of 144

Lone, Abdul Gani 190

Longowal, Harchand Singh 114

Mahanta, Prafulla Kumar 42, 43, 61,62

Maharashtra, Regional Parties 1

Mahasabha 71

Majlis-e-Ittehad-ul-Muslmeen 7

Mangaldoi constituency. By-elections 57

Manikanta, Khaidem 20

Manipur, Industries 26

Irrigation projects 26