Regional political parties in india s. Bhatnagar pradeep kumar

The Constitution of India founded upon the assumption of the infallibility of the centre, makes available to it enormous powers to deal with an inconvenient state and does not provide any remedy for a state against the 'unconstitutional' acts of the centre. Further, the dominance of the Congress Party, both at the Centre and in the states has prevented the relationship between the two from developing as contemplated by the Constitution and has subordinated it to party interests.

But, the federal theory neither envisages patriarchal patronage on the part of the centre nor expects feudal fidelity to be maintained their cultural identify, to develop themselves as regional democracies and to contribute to the cohesion of Indian society and the integrity of the nation, they must be trusted with a wiser and unencroachable autonomy. As in human life too much parental control can only retard the development of the offspring, so in politics too much centralization leads to regional imbalances. It is in this context that the AIADMK believes and works for co-operative and democratic federalism in the direction of enhancing the authority of the centre sustained by the autonomy of the states.

But the vital question of the future of the AIADMK remains to be answered. MGR's charisma, mass following and the social injustices of Tamil Nadu react to one another today as an inestimable way to produce creative energies for the welfare of one and all. As long as the social injustices and the specific cultural problems of the Tamils endure and as long as people trust MGR's leadership, the AIADMK will steer the state for its proper destination. Since the fame and mass following of

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MGR is unquestionable people do not think of the succession now.

Thus, the AIADMK, which is born out of factionalism, has first set for itself the task in consonance with the regional and primordial specificities of Tamil Nadu, and proceeded to consolidate its organization through the charisma of MGR and the mass media, in order to win power through skilful electioneering and masterly electoral alliances, so that it may be used for the balancing of the claims of the social inequalities and the general welfare, in the context of pleading and co-operating with the centre for state autonomy so that fuller democratic life in Tamil Nadu and India may be realized. Therefore, the AIADMK, with independence, identification and legitimacy, continues to be the representative manifestation of Tamil Nationalism answering to the continuing social injustices in Tamil Nadu.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. J. Walch, Faction and Frong (New Delhi, Young Asia Publications, 1976) p. 47.

2. For a description of Indian National Congress, see S.A. Kochanek, The Congress Party of India: The Dynamics of One-Party Democracy, (Princenton Univ. Press 1968).

3. K.S. Ramanujan, Big Change (Madras, Higginbothams, 1967) p. 212.

4. M.R. Barnett, The Politics of Cultural Nationalism in South India, (Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1976).

5. Mr. Barnett, "Cultural Nationalist Electoral Politics in Tamil Nadu in South India" in Myron Weiner and John O Field (ed) Electoral Politics in the Indian States (Delhi, Manohar, 1975) p. 314.

6. M.R. Barnett, op. cit., p. 164.

7. S.J. Eldersveld, Political Parties: A Behavioural Analysis (Chicago, Rand MCNally, 1964) p. 6.

8. Excerpts from University of Madras citations presented to M.G. Ramachandran at the time of the conferment of Doctor of Law (Honoris Causa) to him dated 20 the Sep. 1983.

9. Ananta Naryanan, The Story of Tamil Cinema (Madras, New Century Book House, 1981) p. 464.

10. For a description of the activities of the enthusiasts of MGR, see The Hindu, October 11-20. 1972.

11. W. Mulline, "On the Concept of Ideology in Political Science", American Political Science Review, June 1972, pp. 498-510.

12. M.G. Ramachandran, Egalatarian Justice (Madras, np.n.d.) p. 3.

13. AIADMK, Constitution of the AIADMK (Madras, The Party Head Office, 1978). p. 20.

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14. S.P. Srinivasan, Report on the Sixth General Elections to Lok Sabha (Madras, Government of Tamil Nadu, 1978). p. 47.

15. S.P. Srinivasan, Op. cit. p. 47.

16. S.P. Srinivasan, Op. cit. p. 47.

17. D.K.Oza, Report on the Sixth General Elections to the Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly (Madras, Government of Tamil Nadu, 1978), p. 755.

18. The major reason for the defeat of the AIADMK and the success of the DMK-Congress (I) was that people wanted a stable and strong government at the centre. The Hindu 8. Jan.

19. D.K. Oza, Report on the Seventh General Elections to Tamil Nadu Legislative Assembly (Madras, Government of Tamil Nadu, 1982), p. 32.

20. For two of the 234 seats in the Legislative Assembly and one of the 39 seats in the Lok Sabha constituencies in Tamil Nadu, elections have been countermanded due to the murder of one Independent candidate.

21. Dr. C.A. Perumal, Professor and Head of the Department of Politics and Public Administration, University of Madras, Madras on Poll Panel Discussions in Telecasts on 29-12-1984, K.S. Ramakrishnan in Indian Express, 4 Jan. 1985.

22. Report on the Fourth General, Elections to Legislative Assembly (Madras, Government of Tamil Nadu, 1967), The Hindu, 2 Jan. 1985.

23. R .L. Hardgrave Jr., "The Celluloid God. MGR and the Tamil Film", South Asian Review, IV, 1971, p. 312.

24. The Hindu, 2 January, 1984.

25. The Hindu, 2 January, 1985.

26. News Today, 3 February, 1984.

27. The Indian Express, 26 February, 1974.

28. Ibid.

29. Ibid.

30. The Hindu June 19, 1979.

31. This by-election is unique for one important point. The highest percentage (83.71%) of votes were polled here. This is an all-time record for Tamil Nadu. The Hindu, June 19, 1979.

32. The Hindu, January 8, 1980.

33. Ibid.

34. Ibid. December 1, 1981.

35. The Indian Express, September 28, 1982.

36. The Hindu, February 28, 1983.

37. Government of Tamil Nadu, Chief Minister Replies in the Legislature (Madras, Government of Tamil Nadu, February, 1982).

38. AIADMK Election Manifesto, 1980, p.3.

39. P.E. Converse, "The Nature of Belief System of Mass Public" in D. Apter (ed.), Indeology and Discontent, (New York, Free Press, 1965), pp. 132-162.

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THE ALL JAMMU AND KASHMIR NATIONAL CONFERENCE

Vidya Bhushan

I

The Circumstances Leading to the Formation of the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference

Before 1931, there was little political activity in the State of Jammu and Kashmir and consequently political parties did not exist. However, the masses did not remain completely isolated or immunised from the influence of the national movement in British India. Some of the young men who went for higher studies to the universities outside the State happened to mix with their contemporaries and thus get socialised in patriotic feelings and sentiments. The launching of the first civil disobedience movement by Mahatma Gandhi in 1921, followed by another movement in early thirties, and the intermitted hartals and satyagrahas, etc. did not fail to percolate into the students of the State.2 The growth and role of the press particularly from British India had greatly helped in disseminating these news in the State. The growing tide of nationalism in the then British India, thus, found a ready echo in Kashmir State because of the poverty and exploitation of the masses, who too were not satisfied with the bureaucratic functioning of Maharaja's Government, their inadequate representation in the State services, neglect of their education, appointment of Rajputs at responsible posts, discrimination against them, denial of religious freedom, and lack of freedom of the press and platform were the main grievances particularly of the Muslims, which comprised a majority of population, against the state administration.3 A small group of educated youngmen were, therefore, clamouring for a share in the state services.

In 1916-17, Summander Khash, however, applied to Maharaja Partap

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Singh for the permission to set up a non-political Muslim Association.4 On the grant of permission in 1921, a society known as 'Anjuman-e-Islamia' was formed in Jammu to look after the educational and social welfare of the Muslims.5 With the passage of time, a group of the youth tried to broaden its sphere of activity but it was opposed and resented by the elder members. Under the circumstances, the Youngmen Muslim Association was formed for the popular mobilisation of political awakening.6

On the other hand, Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah, Mohd. Rajab, Qazi Saif-ud-din and Ghulam Ahmed Muhtar returned to Srinagar in April, 1930 after completing their studies in Muslim University, Aligarh. They brought with them broad outlines of the plan for starting an agitation in Kashmir. Perhaps in accordance with that plan Mohd. Rajab and Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah in conjunction with Bashir (a retired Revenue Assistant) had set up a small Reading Room in the house of one Syed Ali Akbar in 1930,7 where lengthy discussion took place as to how the Muslim grievances could be redressed.8 Encouraged by the response of the educated Muslims and the interest shown by the uneducated, the Reading Room was given a regular organisational shape and Mohd. Rajab and Sheikh Abdullah were elected its president and secretary, respectively.9

The Youngmen Muslim Association of Jammu, also decided to coordinate the campaign of the Reading Room.10 Alongwith the happening of 1931, when the Muslim population of the State blew the bugle of Jehad against the autocratic rule of the Dogra Maharaja, a need was felt to bring all Muslims of the state on one common platform in an organised manner. With that end in view, the various Muslim groups coalesced to form the All-Jammu&Kashmir Muslim Conference. Its first session, with Seikh Abdullaha as president, was held on 14, 15&16 October, 1932.11 The party supported two-nation theory of the Muslim League, although it had time and again declared that if and when it would come in power, non-Muslims would be treated fairly and even generously.12 It took part in Praja Sabha (State Assembly) elections of 1934 and 1939 and captured 16 out of 21 and 19 out of 21 Muslim seats, respectively.

During the early years of its life, the Muslim Conference was to see that more and more Muslims were absorbed in the government services, as recommended by the Glancy Commission of 1931. The leadership of the party soon found out that problem of the Muslim masses was something more than its due representation in State services. The party, therefore, began to clamour for a responsible government,13 and the 8th of May, 1936 was observed as 'Responsible Government Day' through-

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out the State. On the appeal of Sheikh Mohd. Abdullaha many progressive Hindus and Sikhs also joined hands and made the day a success.14 The leaders of the Muslim Conference then realised that if the gates of the Party were opened to the Hindus and the Sikhs, the Party would have a more effective voice. In August 1938, the Party issued a National Demand slating that the ultimate goal of the people was to bring about complete change in their social and political outlook and to achieve responsible government under the aegis of the Maharaja.15 It was also customary of the government, to dub the leaders of the Muslim Conference as Muslim Communalists who cared much for the interest of the Muslims only. It was, therefore, felt that the inclusion of a large number of the Hindus and the Sikhs would take the string off any such criticism.

II

The Formation of the National Conference and Its Struggle for Freedom in Pre-Independence Period

Thus, in these circumstances, the Working Committee of the Muslim Conference met on 28th June, 1938 at Srinagar and after a hot discussion lasting for five days and spread over 52 hours passed the resolution for the transformation of the All Jammu and Kashmir Muslim Conference into the the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference.16 The delegates of the special session of the Muslim Conference almost unanimously passed this resolution of its Working Committee in mid-June 1939.17

The first session of the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference (henceforth to be referred as the National Conference) was, however, held in the end of September 1939 and, among other things, it ratified the document known as the National Demand. The National Conference thus began to carry out its activities on the lines of the Indian National Congress (henceforth to be referred to as Congress (I). Till today, it is one of the most popular and very well organised political parties of the J&K State.

The Jammu and Kashmir Constitution of 1939, on the other hand, superseded the 1934 Constitution with little reforms. By the end of 1943, However, the Maharaja inaugurated some more Constitutional reforms in the State and the elected members were appointed as ministers. But the National Conference leadership regarded these reforms as half-hearted measures. They were struggling for a representative government, and

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were not satisfied with a puppet assembly and a council of Ministers responsible only to the Maharaja. The National Conference, therefore, held its annual session on 29 and 30 September, 1944 at Sopore and unanimously approved a manifesto, 'NEW KASHMIR' as its objective.18 The National conference in its memorandum to the Cabinet Mission (1946) criticised the working of the J&K Constitution of 1939. The Memorandum concluded with the words: "these mock reforms only injured the legitimate aspirations of politically awakened masses of Kashmir and whipped them into conducting more intensive struggle for establishment of the responsible government".19

In May 1946, the National Conference, therefore, launched a mass movement, known as Quit Kashmir, which challenged the validity of the Treaty of Amritsar, 1946. It was a struggle of the people in the State against autocracy. Thus bewildered at this new slogan , the bureaucrary was now full of vengeance and they were then out to 'do' and not to 'die' even if that meant finishing all people. The government was thus fully prepared to wipe off the popular movement. Military squads paraded the streets of Srinagar all day and night. Army was posted at all the important points.20 Despite all this the movement went on and the National Conference proved to be the best organised party on non-communal lines with the nationalistic outlook, experienced leaders and progressive programme of its own.

III

Post-Independence Period and Its Leadership

In the wake of the brutal Tribal-cum-Pakistan invasion on the State of Jammu and Kashmir, Sheikh Mohd Abdullah, the president of the All Jammu and Kashmir National Conference took over as the head of the Emergency Administration and gradually managed to establish a grip over the affairs of the State. To the credit of the National Conference goes the accession of the State to the Indian Union in 1948.

Just after the installation of popular government in the State in 1948, the National Conference leadership devoted their attention towards translating the dream of 'Naya Kashmir' into a reality. The first major thing, the National Conference government did was the passage of the Big Landed Estate Abolition Act and transferred land to the tillers. As a result, thousands of poor peasants were, therefore, relieved from exploitation.21

In order to end the state of uncertainty created by the Pak invasion as also the consequent inability of the United Nations to undo it, the

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General Council of the National Conference issued in recognition of the Kashmiris right of self-determination, a mandate to its supreme National Executive for the convening of the State Consembly for the purpose of determining the future shape and affiliation of the State of Jammu and Kashmir.22 The National Conference, thus, captured all the 75 seats of the Consembly because of its policy, programme and leadership.

The party leadership have succeeded in giving a separate distinctive Constitutional personality to the State. Because of their constant and forceful struggle the aspirations of Kashmiri Nationalism have been spelt out in Art 370 of the Constitution of India, Delhi Agreement of 1952, the salient features of which were: the abolition of monarchy, the desire to have an elected head of the States, a separate flag and separate emblem. In short, the National Conference under the charismatic leadership of Shekih Mohd. Abdullah, who had ever symbolised Kashmiri Nationalism, and Farooq Abdullah-his son, stressed the autonomous position of the State within the Indian Polity. The National Conference under the dynamic leadership of G.M. Bakshi stood for and achieved ratification of the State's accession with India. The National Conference during 1964-1971, under the progressive and nationalistic leadership of G.M. Sadiq, however, found ripe time for progressive integeration of Kashmir with India.24 The then National Conference Government, therefore, took many steps including the extension of some of the beneficial Union laws to the State, the extension to the Congress activities to the State and the merger of the National Conference with the Indian National Congress on 26 January, 1965.25

The National conference was revived again in July, 1975 by Sheikh Mohd Abdullah. It was a logical corollary of the historic Indira-Sheikh Accord of 1975.

After getting an absolute majority in 1977 Assembly elections, the National Conference leadership tried to revive the pre-1953 policies of the Party. Under the dynamic leadership of Farooq Abdullah the party emerged again as the most popular and well-organised party of the State of Jammu and Kashmir. It succeeded in securing a majority of seats in all assembly elections till today.

In short, the National Conference represented continuity of political movement in the State. It is the State's most well-organised and the oldest party comparable in some way to the Indian National Congress. The party has outrightly rejected the two nation theory and has given a lead to the people to follow secularism, socialism and democracy. It is unified and stands solidly behind its leadership.

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Inspite of factionalism and personality conflicts in the party, the National Conference has been able to continuously maintain its dominance because of the charisma of its leaderships, the pragmatic character and populist appeal of its programme and policies ; an efficient and strong party organisation; weak, fragile and fragmented structure of the opposition and the party's electoral performance and the nature of State elections as a whole.26

The Party Organisation

The Party is particularly suited to evolve a composite personality of the State by harmonising the diverse regional personalities and accommodating their respective needs and sentiments. The Party is organised on the basis of a federal structure with provincial committees for each of the three regions of the State (Jammu, the Valley and Ladakh). It also proposes to reorganise the internal constitutional set up of the State on similar lines which would provide regional automony and help further decenteralise political power through appropriate institutional arrangements at the district, block and village levels.

Starting from below, the primary members of the Party elect a Gram (Village) Committee in each village. Each Gram Committee has an elected president, a secretary and a treasuer. The Gram Committees in a Patwar (Circle) elect a Patwar Committee in rural areas while in urban areas there are Halka Committees. The Patwar and the Halka Committees then elect their delegates to the Block Committee, one delegate for each group of five hundred members. The delegates of the block committees, in turn, elect zonal committee - the next higher tier of the party. The delegates of each region/province of the State then elect the regional/provincial committee and its office bearers. Finally emerges the General Body of the Party whose members are elected by the regional/provincial delegates. Each group of five delegates elects one member for the General Body. The General Body of the Party as well as the delegates elect the party president, who, in turn: nominates the vice-president, the general secretary and the treasurer of the Party. In addition, he appoints the Working Committee which constitutes the apex of the Party.

The Party also has a youth wing, called the Jammu and Kashmir Youth National Conference. Besides, the party also has a separate labour wing with a number of trade unions affiliated with it. The headquarter of the party is at Majaid Manzil Srinagar.

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III

The Party Ideology, Programme and Policies

The National Conference held its annual session on 29 and 30 September 1944 at Sopore and unanimously approved the 'New Kashmir' - the party programme and ideology/manifesto. The New Kashmir, was declared to be an objective of the National Conference. Consisting of two parts (constitutional and economic), it is a radical, dynamic and historic document providing blueprints for the replanning and rebuilding of the State on secular, socialistic and democratic lines. Politically, it proposes to democratise the whole governmental structure from village panchayat right up to the National Assembly, linking it with the independence of judiciary, on the one hand, and responsible executive, on the other.

In the economic sphere, it envisages a planned economy on a socialistic pattern.29 The first part of the New Kashmir, however, covers - a) citizenship; b) national assembly ; c) council of ministers ; d) ruler ; e) justice; f) local administration, and g) national language. The second part, on the other hand, underlines the need for the setting up of a National Agriculture Council to execute and supervise the national agriculture plan, the basic principles of which would be: a) abolition of landlordism; b) land to the tiller; c) cooperative associations; d) feeding the people as its primary objective and e) people's control of the forests.

It also proposes nationalisation of key industries on the principles of: a) abolition of big private capitalists; b) state management of all key industries; c) abolition of private monopoly - whether formal or virtual; and d) constitution of a national industrial council for the implementation of the policy.30

IV

Factionalism and Defections in the National Conference

Intra-party factionalism is the bane of all or nearly all political parties and groups. In other words, party system and intra-party factionalism as well as defections exist in political culture of several countries in general and in developing countries in particular. In India too, no political party is beyond the pull of factions. In fact, factionalism is a true feature of the Indian political scene, more so at the State level.31

If factionalism is taken purely as a struggle for power, there was no

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factionalism as such in the National Conference in the 1940s, the reason being that up to 1947, the National Conference was leading a movement against the autocratic government of the Dogra dynasty. It was in the middle of 1949 that the first breach in the National Conference had taken place, when Ghulam Mohiuddin Karrar, the one who was not given a place in the first cabinet which Sheikh Abdullah formed under the Maharaja, left the Party in anger in 1949.32 He then organised a new political party, named the Kashmir conference in June 1953.33

In the State of Jammu and Kashmir, factional politics was also relatively unknown during the early phases of the National Conference headed by Sheikh Mohd. Abdullah. When it assumed power in 1948, it was more cohesive and united, perhaps because of the personality of the Sheikh. After some time, however, some form of factional activities crept in, though in a highly subdued form, and Sheikh Abdullah did not seem to have taken any cognizance of the same. Bakshi Ghulam Mohd. was heading that faction. It did not come in the open until 1953 when Sham Lal Saraf was asked to resign from the cabinet on the ground of his having made a statement against the Prime Minister of the State. This faction ultimately succeeded in getting, first, the Sheikh Abdullah ministry dismissed on 9 August, 1953,35 and then capturing power itself. This may be said to be the first phase of factionalism in the National Conference.