118
The Arabic Language
correlates with the vowel of the perfect. The underlying form is CvCvC like the
perfect, but in combination with the prefix and the ending this would produce
a non-allowed form with a sequence of four Cv’s, hence, the deletion of the first
vowel (|ya-ḍa-ri-bu| →
yaḍribu
). According to the grammarians, the derivation of
the imperfect from
faʿila
and
faʿula
perfects is rule-bound: they always have an
imperfect
yafʿalu
and
yafʿulu
, respectively.
In the case of
faʿala
, the vowel of the
imperfect is either
u
or
i
: here the correlation is based on
samāʿ
‘hearing’, in other
words, it has to be learned from the speakers and cannot be predicted. Those
faʿala
verbs that have a velar or pharyngal as second or third radical, for example,
zaraʿa
‘to sow’, have a regular (
qiyāsī
) imperfect with
a
,
yazraʿu
. The endings
-u
/
-a
/-0/ of
the imperfect verb are case endings (cf. above, pp. 111f.). Finally, the prefixes of
the imperfect cannot be pronouns, since they co-occur with nominal agents, as in
yaḍribu zaydun
‘Zayd hits’, and, as we have seen above, a sentence cannot contain
two agents. Consequently, they are to be regarded as grammatical markers (
dalāʾil
)
that have no independent status like the pronouns.
When a verb contains one of the glides
w
or
y
,
it is commonly known as a
weak verb (
muʿtall
). For this class of verbs, the grammarians set up a number of
morphological and phonological rules to explain the various changes that affect
them. Morphologically, they patterned weak verbs on the sound verbs, and by
reconstructing underlying forms they managed to achieve greater symmetry. For
the hollow verbs (verbs in which the medial radical is
w
or
y
), for instance, they
reconstructed the medial radical by referring to morphologically related words:
qāla
‘to say’ is related to
qawl
‘speech’,
sāra
‘to go’ to
sayr
‘journey’, and
ḫāfa
‘to fear’
to
ḫawf
‘fear’, therefore,
their radicals are
q-w-l
,
s-y-r
and
ḫ-w-f
, respectively. Their
next step was to determine to which perfect pattern these verbs belonged on the
basis of the underlying forms of the imperfect
*yaqwulu
,
*yasyiru
and
*yaḫwafu
.
The first two must come from a perfect
faʿala
(
yaqwulu
cannot come from
faʿila
,
for then it would have an imperfect
yafʿalu
, and it cannot come from
faʿula
, since
that pattern is reserved
for intransitive verbs; for
*yasyiru
the only possibility
is
faʿala
). But
*yaḫwafu
must come from
*ḫawifa
, since otherwise the imperfect
pattern
yafʿalu
would be inexplicable.
The next step was the explanation of the phonological changes: how do we get
from
*yaqwulu
and so on to
yaqūlu
and so on? We cannot go into all the details of
the intricate system of rules set up by the grammarians, so we will have to limit
ourselves to some examples (an extensive analysis of all weak forms, including
the perfect forms such as
qultu
,
sirtu
,
ḫiftu
, can be found in Bohas and Guillaume
1984). One of the first rules states that a combination of /a/ followed by /w/ or
/y/ plus a vowel is changed into
ʾalif
/”/, an abstract element on the underlying
level, thus /qawama/ → /qa”ma/, which is realised phonetically as [qɑːma] (cf.
below, p. 121); likewise /sayara/ → /sa”ra/ and /ḫawifa/ → /ḫa”fa/.
A second rule changes the order of the vowels and the
glides for ease of pronun
-
ciation, so that, for instance, /yaqwulu/ becomes /yaquwlu/, and /yasyiru/
The Arabic Linguistic Tradition
119
becomes /yasiyru/. A third rule states that there is a special relationship between
/i/ and /y/, /u/ and /w/, and /a/ and /”/; therefore, after a vowel, glides often
change into the related glide of the vowel, for example, /iw/ → /iy/, /uy/ → /
uw/, as in the words /miwqa”t/ → /miyqa”t/ and /muysir/ → /muwsir/. In the
case of the weak verbs, this rule is invoked to explain derivations such as the
imperfect of
ḫāfa
: /yaḫwafu/ → /yaḫawfu/ → /yaḫa”fu/.
In the system of phonological rules with which the Arabic grammarians
operated, one of the most important principles was that of the relative weight
of the phonemes of the language. They set up a hierarchy that went from the
lightest elements, the vowels, via the glides to the consonants. Within the class of
the vowels, they determined the following order from the lightest to the heaviest
vowel: /a/ > /i/ > /u/. In the explanation of phonological changes, this relative
order of the phonemes played an important role, since speakers of
the language
were credited with an aversion to combinations that were too heavy. Thus, for
instance, the combination /-iya-/ is possible, because it goes from heavy to light,
whereas the combination /-iyu-/ is regarded as too heavy and therefore imper-
missible because it contains a passage from a heavy to a heavier element (e.g., in
/qa”ḍiyu/ ‘judge’, which therefore becomes /qa”ḍiy/).
Among the derivational alterations of the verb are the so-called verbal measures
(see above, Chapter 6, pp. 95–7). Arabic grammarians regarded these as part of the
derivational morphology. They distinguished between three primary augmented
verbal measures,
ʾafʿala
,
faʿʿala
and
fāʿala
, each with its own concomitant meaning,
but all expressing the syntactic process of
taʿdiya
‘transitivity’, that is, increasing
the valency of the verb with one, for example,
ʿalima
‘to know something’
versus
ʿallama
‘to instruct someone in something’ and
ʾaʿlama
‘to inform someone about
something’.
These measures, just as the base stem, could receive an additional
augment
-t-
to express the process of
muṭāwaʿa
, lit. ‘obedience, compliance’:
faʿʿala
>
tafaʿʿala
;
fāʿala
→
tafāʿala
;
faʿala
→
iftaʿala
;
ʾafʿala
→
istafʿala
. The augment
-n-
in
infaʿala
expressed this same notion.
Muṭāwaʿa
was regarded as the opposite of
taʿdiya
, that is, decreasing the valency of the verb with one, for example,
kasara
‘to break [transitive]’ versus
inkasara
‘to break [intransitive]’;
ʿallama
‘to instruct
someone about something’ versus
taʿallama
‘to be instructed, to become learned
in something’ (Larcher 2012: 75–7). What mattered to the grammarians was the
fact that the augment (
ziyāda
) correlated with an additional meaning.
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