mā
, impera
-
tives
imḍī
,
jī
; feminine gender of
ḫātam
‘ring’; asyndetic use of a hypotactic clause
with
ʾaṣlaḥ
):
fa-qāla r-Rašīd: ḏālika l-Malīḥ man huwa? ʾaḫbirnī bihi! fa-qāla: yā mawlānā mā yanfahim
kalām Masrūr? fa-qāla: imḍī izʿaq bihi! fa-qāla Masrūr: mā ʾamḍī ʾilayhi, fa-qāla r-Rašīd:
yā Jaʿfar, udḫul bi-llāh wa-ʾabšir man huwa llaḏī qad ḍaraba Masrūr wa-hāḏihi ḫātamī
imḍī bihā ʾilayhi wa-jī bihi! fa-qāla Jaʿfar: yā mawlānā Masrūr yajī ʾaṣlaḥ!
‘Ar-Rašīd said:
“Who is this Malīḥ? Tell me about him!”. He said: “My Lord, are Masrūr’s words not
understood?” He said: “Go and frighten him!” Masrūr said: “By God, I’m not going!”
Ar-Rašīd said: “Jaʿfar, by God, go in and see who it is that hit Masrūr; here is my ring,
take it to him and bring him!” Jaʿfar said: “My Lord, it is better for Masrūr to go”.’
(Wehr 1956: 386.12–15)
The Arabian Nights differ from real folktales in that the latter stem from
an oral tradition of folk poetry and folktales, told by professional storytellers
wherever people were gathered in the marketplace. Presumably, these stories
were originally told in the vernacular. When they were written down later by
interested collectors, they did not escape the influence of the standard norm, so
that in their present form they cannot be regarded as examples of pure colloquial
speech. Many of these stories are still extant in manuscript form, especially in the
libraries in Moscow and Cambridge.
Throughout history, poets have sometimes used the medium of colloquial
Arabic to express their feelings. This led to some kind of literary vernacular
Middle Arabic
159
rather than a true reflection of the colloquial as it was spoken by the poet and his
audience. Such poems have been preserved, for instance, from the Iraqi poet Ṣafī
d-Dīn al-Ḥillī (d.
c
. 1350), who provides valuable evidence for the reconstruction of
fourteenth-century Iraqi Arabic, for example, the sound shift
r
>
ġ
, the use of the
ending
-ūn
in the imperfect verb, and the use of
fard
as an indefinite article (Levin
1975). The poems of the Egyptian poet ʿAlī ibn Sūdūn al-Bašbuġāwī (d. 868/1464)
contain a large number of Egyptianisms, for example, undeclinable relative
illī
,
demonstrative
dī
(but always before the noun, never in postposition as in modern
Egyptian), imperfects with the continuous marker
bi-
, and many colloquial nouns.
One remarkable trait of the preserved autographs of Ibn Sūdūn’s work is that
they use many vowel signs; this makes it possible to trace the working of
ʾimāla
,
for example, in the feminine ending in
ṭubaylih
‘little drum’ (Vrolijk 1998: 143). It
may be added that in one poem Ibn Sūdūn mimics the speech of a hunchback from
Baghdad who pronounces
r
as
ġ
, for example,
ġabbī
,
šāʿiġ
instead of
rabbī
‘my lord’,
šāʿir
‘poet’ (Levin 1975: 266). It is obvious that these poets were perfectly aware
of the interdialectal differences. Yet Vrolijk (1998: 136–7) is certainly right when
he emphasises that these texts cannot be regarded as a faithful rendering of the
colloquial language of the poet’s time.
Dialect poetry was particularly popular in the Maghreb, where it even infil-
trated Classical poems. In the genre known as
muwaššaḥ
a
, it became customary
to add a refrain in the colloquial language, either the Arabic colloquial or in some
cases the Romance language spoken in Andalusia (the so-called
jarchas
; cf. below,
Chapter 17, pp. 315f.).
In the types of texts mentioned thus far, the colloquial elements were connected
with their literary or narrative function. In Arabic scientific treatises, however,
when the topic is exclusively technical and of no interest to the general intel
-
lectual elite, the colloquial elements are more or less accidental. In the fields of
medicine or pharmacology, or in the field of the technical sciences such as mathe-
matics, astronomy or mechanics, the author was less constricted by the norms
of the Classical language, and, if he preferred to follow the rules of his colloquial
speech instead, nobody blamed him. In such texts, as in those texts whose author
deliberately chose a more informal medium of expression, deviations from the
Classical norm are widespread, but pseudo-corrections are seldom found.
As an example of ‘educated’ Muslim Middle Arabic, we quote here a passage
from the memoirs of ʾUsāma ibn Munqiḏ (d. 584/1188):
fa-lammā waṣalnā ʿAsqalān saḥaran wa-waḍaʿnā ʾaṯqālanā ʿinda l-muṣallā ṣabaḥūnā
l-ʾIfranj ʿinda ṭulūʿ aš-šams fa-ḫaraja ʾilaynā Nāṣir ad-Dawla Yāqūt wālī ʿAsqalān fa-qāla:
irfaʿū, irfaʿū ʾaṯqālakum, qultu: taḫāfu lā yaġlibūnā l-ʾIfranj ʿalayhā? qāla: naʿam, qultu: lā
taḫāf, hum yarawnā fī l-barriyya wa-yuʿāriḍūnā ʾilā ʾan waṣalnā ʾilā ʿAsqalān, mā ḫifnāhum;
naḫāfuhum l-ʾān wa-naḥnu ʿinda madīnatinā?
‘When we came to Asqalon at daybreak
and we put down our luggage at the prayer site, the Franks came on us at sunrise.
Nāṣir ad-Dawla Yāqūt, the governor of Asqalon, came to us and said: “Take up, take
160
The Arabic Language
up your luggage!” I said: “You’re afraid the Franks will take them away from us?” He
said: “Yes!” I said: “Don’t be afraid! They saw us in the desert and kept up with us
until we came to Asqalon. We didn’t fear them then, so shall we fear them now that
we are near our city?”’ (ʾUsāma ibn Munqiḏ,
Kitāb al-iʿtibār
, ed. Qāsim as-Sāmarrāʾī,
Riyadh, 1987, pp. 38–9)
In this fragment, we find the kind of language that could be expected from an
‘Arab gentleman’ like ʾUsāma, who had studied grammar without becoming
a purist. He had no qualms about leaving out accusative endings, using verb–
subject agreement, using
ʾayy šayʾ
(i.e.,
ʾēš
) instead of
mā
, connecting verbs with
hypotactic clauses asyndetically, and using the imperfect verb ending
-ū
instead
of
-ūna
. In his writing, he maintained a colloquial flavour without losing touch
with the standard language, and felt free to bend the grammatical rules without
appearing illiterate. The common feature between this kind of Middle Arabic and
the texts mentioned above is the presence of deviations from standard grammar.
But pseudo-corrections are completely absent from the prose of ʾUsāma and
other writers like him.
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