Volume II. Guth na Bliadhna ' leabhar II.]

D

appearing in such essentially " lowland" districts as Angus, and the eastern seaboard of Scotland generally, are of Celtic origin; whilst in Renfrew, " when Patrick de Blantyre was served heir to his ancestral barony, the jury to a man were of Gaelic origin, and must have been ' his peers,' barons or free-holders by charter. Renfrew had been given as a barony to the Steward, but the probi horniim seem to have been little affected by the grant."But the view of David's policy taken in these papers—a policy which, according to Robertson, appears to have been founded " on a principle dia­metrically opposed to this theory of displacement" in Church and State—receives its most striking confirmation in that monarch's attitude towards his Norman and English followers. In no single case, so far as is known, were the services and fidelity of his foreign henchmen rewarded with gifts of native honours, whether "dispossessed" or otherwise. Bruce, FitzAlan, De Moreville and other great Norman barons never appear as Scot­tish earls, but only with "the rights and customs" of earls—a limitation of authority and prestige which was strictly their due as adventurers in a foreign land. As Robertson justly observes, " holding by Scottish service they would have been powerless without a kindred ' following' ; whilst a feudal tenure would have interfered with the proprietary rights of the very class which formed the military strength of the earldom ".<sup>1

2</sup> An alien earl, holding by feudal tenure, would have had to conquer his earldom from the proprietary; which was doubtless the reason why David and his im­mediate successors wisely did not endeavour to

1 Scotland under her Early Kings, vol. ii., p. 487, ³ Ibid., vol ii., p. 495.

"displace" or dispossess the native proprietary; but strove, on the contrary, to retain them in their native provinces, rendering them more or less re­sponsible for all that portion of their respective districts which was not placed under the authority of the royal sheriffs or baillies. "In Galloway, Argyll, and Ross," says Robertson, "the old races were thus confirmed in authority and the result was comparative peace." In Moray, however, where the old race was proscribed, not, be it re­membered, in pursuance of a deliberate policy, whose end was the violent suppression of the Moray rulers, but in consequence of the undying hostility of that family to the line of Atholl, and its frequent and bloody attempts to wrest the crown from the descendants of Malcolm II., feudal tenure was forcibly introduced; " and the result was rebellion for a century".¹ Elsewhere, adds Mr. Robertson, a similar policy " would have un­questionably produced corresponding results". Confiscation would have been followed by re­bellion; and rebellion by anarchy, in which the monarchy so far at all events as David and his family were concerned must inevitably have per­ished. "The Gaelic earls," says Mr. Robertson, " were never ' pushed' out; and if the remaining proprietary were dispossessed, where would have been the use of legislating for thanes (toiseachs ?) and ogtierns in the reign of Alexander II. ? "' " The whole theory (of displacement) is mythical. Such a measure would have raised all Scotia to the Forth, all Lothian to the Tweed in one general blaze of insurrection."² "I think it very doubtful," adds Mr. Robertson, "if either earldom or thanedom

1 Scotland under her Early Kings, vol. ii., p. 495. 'Ibid., vol. ii., p. 498.

were originally conferred upon baron or knight; or if any earldom was held by feudal tenure until Brute gave Moray to Randolph (1372), to be held by both knight service and Scottish service."The glaring insufficiency, not to say absurdity, of this theory of dispossession or displacement is plainly discovered by a glance at the racial com­position of the Scottish nobility at the end of the reign of David I. Additional refutation, if in­deed any be needed, is abundantly supplied by the names of the probi homines appearing in the charters of that period; and, lastly, in the various laws promulgated by that Prince and his Celtic successors on the throne of Alba.The Nobility of Alba, shotving its Racial Compleosion

at the End of the Reign of David I. (1153) Angus, Gaelic. Atholl, Gaelic. Fife, Gaelic. Marr, Gaelic. Strathearn, Gaelic. Menteith, Gaelic. Lennox, Gaelic. Boss, Gaelic.

Moray, suppressed 1130, but said to have been conferred upon Gillocher Earl of Marr, whose descendant, Donald, claimed to represent the earldom at the end of the thirteenth century.

Mearns, vacant, possibly suppressed after Malpeder. The re­lations between Moray and Mearns seem to have been of a very intimate nature.

Buohan, Gaelic.
<sup>1

2</sup>

1 Scotland under her Early Kings, vol. ii., p. 498.

2 The same observation applies with equal force to the Church. The names of ecclesiastics appearing in charters whether as probi homines or otherwise are, with few exceptions, Gaelic.

Kingdom of the Isles (Gaelic). Caithness, Norse, originally Gaelic.

Argyll, Gaelic ["names like de Ergadia, de Insulis, de Atholia, de Galloway speak for themselves," Robertson, vol. 11., p. 491. They indicate, of course, a Gaelic origin].

Truly, the theory of displacement is respon-
sible for many absurdities, amongst which we must
not forget to reckon the old familiar nonsense (still
doing duty in many a humble newspaper and guide-
book) touching the " Highland line " or " boundary"
—that imaginary erection which is popularly sup-
posed to represent the racial barrier which separ-
ates Gael from Saxon, and Celt from Teuton.
Alluding to the displacement of the population
of the Lothians in the reign of David I. by settlers
from England—an equally fanciful measure—Dr.
Robertson observes, " beyond the river (Forth)
the Highlands form a convenient receptacle into
which all the dispossessed proprietary of native
Gaelic origin are supposed to have been ' pushed'
—such is the word sometimes used. It is not
specified, however, where the native proprietary of
Teutonic origin were ' pushed' out of the Lothians,
perhaps because it might be inconvenient to find a
place for them! When David laid down the enact-
ment that if a man were disseized, or disposed of
his property, he was no longer to challenge the
aggressor, but to appeal to the verdict of the
neighbourhood, it may be gathered that there were
rights of property before his reign; and that the
loss of such rights in individual cases was resented
by an appeal to the sword. Yet are we called
upon to believe that whilst such was the legal
custom in individual general measure of

disseisin was gradually carried out amongst a popu­lation never backward, but rather over-ready in


54 The "Pushful" Theory in Scottish History

making such an appeal, and over the whole faoe of Scotia and the Lothians—over the whole of the well-affected portion of the kingdom ! A measure so vast that not a name of any note has come down to the present day that can be traced to the old Bernician Angles ; whilst the shattered remnants of the Gaelic proprietary sheltered themselves amidst the Highlands and in Galloway! The whole theory is mythical," etc. Alluding to the " Perambulation of the lands of Balfeith," Mr. Innes says (Sketches, p. 147, note 1): " This jury of Celtic gentlemen of the low country of Angus and Mearns contrasts notably with the list of burgesses of Dundee and Aberdeen of Norman and Saxon names and Teu­tonic lineage, occurring about the same time". "In the thirteenth century," says Mr. Robertson, " the native proprietary were not yet eradicated. When, then, were they displaced? As the bulk of the population connected with the soil to the northward of the Forth seem to have borne Celtic names, it may be concluded that the majority of the rural population from the earl downwards were of native (Gaelic) origin. The burghers were originally almost invariably of alien extraction; but a civic population never migrates into the country, whilst there is always a constant stream of population pouring from the rural districts into the towns. What a tide has been pouring into Glasgow from the mountains for many generations past! Yet how many of the good citizens have emigrated into Argyllshire ? ... So far from the old Scottish race in these quarters being driven into the Highlands, it would seem rather as if a vast number from the Highlands had been ab­sorbed by the civic population. The original Scots were no more driven out of the Lowlands by the

55

Fionn Mac Cumhail

advance of the Teutons than have the original
Franks been driven out of Salic France by the
encroachments of the Romans." ^

FIONN MAC CUMHAIL

Aig sinn-sinnseanar Rìgh Eirinn bho'n chòigeamh glun 's ann a lionsgair na Fiantaichean. 'S e dithis agus triuir a bha iad a' faighinn a h-uile bliadhna de dhaoine mòra agus boirionnaich anns an robh sia traidhean. Bhathas 'gam pòsadh sin ri chèile, agus an sliochd a bha 'tighinn bhuapa bha miadachd mhòr mhòr unnta. 'Sann dhiubh so a rinneadh rèiseamaid mhòr nam Fiantaichean. 'Sann air son cur as do na Lochlannaich a chaidh an togail an toiseach.

Ri ùine fhuair iad iad fhèin cho làidir 's gun do chuir iad litir gu Rìgh Eirinn nach ruigeadh e leas dùil a bhith aige ri 'n cuideachadh-sa ri 'bheò no ri 'bhàs. Rinn iad Rìgh dhaibh fhèin an

sin air Cumhal.

'Se naoi naonan a bh'ann diubh an toiseach, ge b'e air bith am barrachd a bh'ann nuair a rin­neadh rìgh de ChumhaL

'Nuair a bha Cumhal 'na rìgh orra, cha robh 'chrìdh' aig duin' an tilleadh, ged a bha gu leòir air fheadh an t-saoghail na bu treasa na iad.

Chuir Cumhal a mach lagh nach robh duine a dhianadh cron nach sgaradh iad bhuapa. Bha aon fhear an sin, ciod e 'rinn e ach. . . . Rug iad air agus chuir iad . . . mu 'amhaich, agus dh'fhuaigh iad e air chor's nach tugadh duine sam bith as e. Chuir iad air falbh bhuapa buileach e, agus cha chanadh iad facal ris ach Area Dubh.


56

Fionn Mac Cumhail

Breith Fhinn

57

Chaidh e 'so gu peilis Rìgh Eirinn e fhèin 'sa bhean. Chuir e bràth a stigh thun an rìgh gun robh gnothach beag aige ris. Thàinig an Rìgh a mach agus mhuthaich e dha, agus dh'fhoighneachd e dheth ciod e 'n duine 'bh'ann. Thuirt Area an sin gu'm b'esan fear dhe na Fiantaichean.

" Nach tu," os an Rìgh, " a chaill do nàire nuair a thàinig thu 'nam aodann an deis do'm shinn-sinnseanair 'ur cur cruinn agus sibh a dhealachadh, bhuam a rithisd, is nach ruig sinn leas dùil a bhith againn cuideachadh fhaighinn bhuaibh."

"'N ta," os Area, "'o chionn gur a mise 'bha 'g iarraidh orra thus' a leantail chuir iad so mu'm amhaich mar thàmailt, 's chuir iad bhuapa mi Thàinig mi far' robh sibh fhèin gus sibh a thoirt dhomh cuideachadh."

"Cha 'n urrainn domhsa cuideachadh a thoirt dhuit, a leithid de dhuine mòr," os an Rìgh.

" Cha 'n iarr mi ach iasgach na h-aibhne," os Area, "agus cumaidh mi iasg ribh fhèin air 'ur braiciost."

"Gheibh thu sin agus innis dhomh ciamar a chuirear Cumhal gu bàs," os an Rìgh.

" Cha do thog Cumhal shil ri gin riamh ach boirionnach ro-bhriagh," os Area.

"'N ta," os an rìgh, "'sann agamsa a tha an aon bhoinne fala a's àille 'tha fo'n ghrein. 'S còir dhuinn litir a chur 'ga ionnsaidh."

Sgriobh Rìgh Eirinn litir an sin gu Cumhal e 'thighinn far an robh e, gu'm faigheadh e maithte na rinn e 'na aghaidh. Dh'fhalbh Cumhal an sin, agus chaidh e do'n phoilis aig Rìgh Eirinn; 's nuair a ràinig e chuireadh dinneir gu feum dhaibh. Shuidh iad aig bòrd, 's cha robh Cumhal a' leagail a shùl bhar nighean Rìgh Eirinn.

" Cha chreid mi," os an rìgh, " nach 'eil thu air gaol a ghabhail air an nighinn."

"An ta," osa Cumhal, "'s i 'n aon bhoinne fala a's docha leam a chunnaic mi riamh."

" Ma sa h-i pòs thu fhèin's i fhèin ma tu."

Phòs iad an sin agus oidhche na bainnseadh aca chuireadh Area Dubh 'n aon seomar riutha 'am falach. Nuair a chunnaic Area 'sin an t-àm . . . thug e 'n ceann bhar Chumhail le 'chlaidheamh fhèin Mac-an-luin. Bhuail a bhean a basan. 'Nuair a chunnaic Bran Mac-an-luin aig Area lean e Mac-an-luin agus Area.
BREITH FHINN

Dh'fhàs a bhean trom, 's chuir an righ a mach achd nam b'e nighean a bhiodh ann gu'm biodh iad coma mu'deighinn, nach togadh i tòrachd a h-athar, ach nam b'e gille 'bhiodh ann gun reachadh a mhar­bhadh cho luath 's a thigeadh e 'dh-ionnsuidh an t-saoghaiL

Ann an ceann nan tri ràidhean thuisleadh ise air leanabh nighinn, agus le toileachadh 's le toilnntinne 'rinn an righ cha robh duine 'bha mu'n champa nach robh marbh leis an daoraich.

A bhean-ghliiin bu ghiorra dhith thuirt i rithe : " Seall ciod e 'th'agam an dràsd ?"

"Tha agad an dràsd," os ise, "pàisde gille."

"Eirich thus'," os i fhèin, "agus falbh leis,

agus tog e."

" 'N ann," os ise, "'s mi air mo mhionnachadh nam b'e gille 'bhiodh ann gun reachainn 'ga thoirt suas do'n rìgh gur e gille 'bhiodh ann ?"

" Falbh thus' agus tog e; is cho fada 's is bonnach dhomhs'e 's bonnach dhuits' e, na ni eile 'bhios agam 's leat-sa do chuid dheth ach tog an gille."

58 Mar a Thogadh Fionn, 's Mar a Bhaisteadh e

Dh'fhalbh a bhanaltram—a bhean-ghlùine 's thog i leatha'm pàisde, 's mach a ghabh i. Bha 'bràthair roimpe 'san rathad, 'se 'na shaor.

" Eirich! eirich !" os ise, " cho luath 'sa rugadh tu. Thoir a choill' ort, is dean bothag dhomhsa, 's mi air cron a dheanamh air nighean an rìgh."

Dh'eirich esa, is mach a thug e. Thug e 'choill' air, 's rinn e bothag dha phiuthair. 'Nuair a ràinig ise 'sin a bhothag bha i ullamh aig a bràthair roimpe.

Dh'fhoighneachd e dhith: " Ciod e 'th'agad an sin?"

" Cha 'n 'eil ach ni 'thug mi bho nighean an rìgh," os ise.

" O cha 'n e idir. 'Sann a th'ann Mac Chumhail. Thoir dhomhs'e, 's gu'n cuir mi 'n ceann dheth leis an tuaigh."

" Ealbh a stigh," os ise, " is gearr an sprod ud 'tha 'san fhordoruis m'um bi mo cheannsa 'bualadh ann a' tighinn a mach no 'dol a stigh."

Chaidh e stigh, agus dh'ìrich ise do'n tobhtaidh ('sann a muigh a bha iad air a chnoc) 'san tuagh aice. Air tighinn a mach a bràthar air an doras, bhuail i faobhar na tuaighe air ann am mullach a chinn, 's chuir i leth air gach gualainn dhe ceann a bràthar. Chuir i 'sin a mach air an loch e, 's chaidh i fhèin a stigh, 's bha i 'cumail a' ghille air adhart cho math 'sa b' urra dhith.

MAR A THOGADH FIONN, 'S MAR A BHAISTEADH E

Nuair a thàinig an gille sin gu coiseachd, theirig am biadh a thugadh bho thigh an rìgh, agus chaidh bhanaltram thun a bhaile a choimhead màthair a

Mar a Thogadh Fionn, 's Mar a Bhaisteadh e 59

ghille. Fhuair i uiread 'sa b' urra dhith 'thoirt leatha de bhiadh, agus 'nuair a bha i 'falbh de rinn mialchu a bha'n tigh an Rìgh ach a leantail air fàileadh na feòla.

Bhiodh an gill' aice air fheadh an taighe, 's bha sguab dhreathann aice 'g eirigh air mu na casan 'ga ionnsachadh ri cruadal. Theirig am biadh a rithist di. Bha i 'dol a dh'ionnsuidh a bhaile a bh'iarraidh millidh; 's nuair a nochd i ris an dìtreamh far an robh nighean an rìgh, smaointich i gu'n do dh'fhàg i 'mhialchu stigh, 's gu'n robh 'n gill' air ich' aice. Thill i cho luath 'sa b' urra dhith dhachaidh do'n bhothaig. Bha 'n gille agus ceann a mhialchoin aige 's an darna làimh agus an druim anns an làimh eile an deaghaidh' cur a cnàimh na h-amhaich. 'Nuair a chunnaic i an t-euchd a rinn e, ghrad-thill i thun a bhaile, is dh'inns' i do nighean an rìgh gu'n do chuir an gille an dubh mhialchu a cnàimh na h-amhaich.

"Tog thus' e," os i fhèin, "is fhad 'sa bhios mise beò cha chaill thus' air." Thill i dhachaidh do'n bhothaig. 'Nuair a fhuair an gille e fhèin cho làidir dh'eireadh e air a chaillich leis an sguabaidh 'chor 's nach d'fhàgadh lèobadh fèola no fala air a casan. Reachadh i 'sin a mach air an loch leis, gus an ruigeadh an t-uisge na ciochan aice 's greim aic* air chul-cinn air 's air smigid, 'g ionnsachadh snàmh dha. Bheireadh i air chùl-cinn air agus chuireadh i fo'n uisg' e, 's dh' eireadh e ann am miadhoin an locha thall.

Chaidh i do'n bhaile a dh'iarraidh tuilleadh
bidhe. Bha i 'ga thilleadh, ach cha ghabhadh e
tilleadh bhuaipe. 'Nuair a nochd i 'sin ri Colaisde