Anglo-american oil politics and the new world order

Population control becomes U.S. "national security"

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Population control becomes U.S. "national security"

In 1798, an obscure English clergyman, Thomas Parson Malthus, professor of political economy in the employ of the British East India Company's East India College at Haileybury, was promoted to instant fame by his English sponsors for his "Essay on the Prin­

ciple of Population." The essay itself was a blatant scientific fraud, plagiarized largely from a Venetian attack on the positive popula­tion theory of Benjamin Franklin.

The Venetian attack on Franklin's essay was authored by Gian-mariaOrtesin 1774. Malthus' adaptation of Ortes' "theory" was re­fined with a facade of mathematical formulas, which he called the "law of geometric progression." According to this socalled "law," human populations invariably expanded geometrically, while the means of subsistence were arithmetically limited, or linear.

Malthus made quite clear how his "ideal" balance between pop­ulation and food resources could be achieved. "All children born beyond what would be required to keep up the population to the desired level, [would] necessarily perish unless room be made for them by the death of grown persons."

Malthus, furthermore, left no doubt that this must be active pol­icy on the part of governments:

"We should facilitate instead offoolishly and vainly attempting to im­pede, the operations of nature in producing this mortality. And if we dread the too frequent visitation of the horid form of famine, we should seditiously encourage otherforms of destruction which we compel nature to use. Instead of recommending cleanliness to the poor, we should en­courage contrary habits. In our towns, we should make the streets more narrow, crowd more people into houses and court the return of the plague. In the country we should build our villages near stagnant pools and par­ticularly encourage settlements in all marshy and unwholesome situa­tions. But above all, we should reprobate specific remedies for ravaging dieseases and those benevolent but much mistaken men who have thought they were doing a service to mankind by projecting schemes for the total extirpation of particular disease. " "

The flaw in Malthus' argument, as demonstrated irrefutably by the spectacular growth of civilization, technology, and agricul­tural productivity since 1798, was Malthus' ploy to ignore the con­tribution of advances in science and technology to dramatically improve such factors as crop yields, labor productivity and the like.

By the mid-1970's, indicative of the effectiveness of the new propaganda onslaught from the Anglo-American establishment, American government officials were openly boasting in public press conferences that they were committed "neo-Malthusians," something for which they would have been laughed out of office

a mere decade or so earlier. But nowhere did the new embrace of British malthusian economics in the United States show itself more brutally than in Kissinger's National Security Council.

On April 24,1974, in the midst of the oil crisis, White House Na­tional Security adviser Henry Alfred Kissinger issued National Security Council Study Memorandum 200 (NSSM 200), on the subject of "Implications of Worldwide Population Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests." It was directed to all cabinet sec­retaries, the military Joint Chiefs of Staff, as well as the CIA and other key agencies. On October 16, 1975, at Kissinger's urging, President Gerald Ford issued a memorandum confirming the need for "U.S. leadership in world population matters," based on the contents of the classified NSSM 200 document. For the first time in American history, the document espoused malthusianism as an explicitly desirable aim of the security policy of the govern­ment of the United States. More bitterly ironic was the fact that it was initiated by a German-born Jew. Even during the years of the Nazi regime in Germany, government officials had greater inhibi­tions against officially espousing such policies.

NSSM 200 argued that population expansion in select develop­ing countries which also contain key strategic resources necessary to the U.S. economy posed potential U.S. "national security threats." The study warned that under pressure from an expand­ing domestic population, countries with needed raw materials will tend to demand better prices and higher terms of trade for their exports to the United States. In this context, the NSSM 200 identified a target list of 13 countries, singled out as "strategic tar­gets" for U.S. efforts at population control. The list was drawn up in 1974. There is no doubt that the selection of countries intended to be victims of this policy was made, as was the case in all other major decisions in which Kissinger played a role, following close consultation with the British Foreign Office.

Kissinger explicitly stated in the memorandum, "how much more efficient expenditures for population control might be than [funds for] raising production through direct investments in addi­tional irrigation and power projects and factories." British 19th Century Imperialism could have expressed it no better. With this secret policy declaration, the government of the United States had committed itself to an agenda which would contribute to its own economic demise as well as untold famine, misery, and unneces­

sary death throughout the developing sector. The 13 target coun­tries named in Kissinger's study were Brazil, Pakistan, India, Bangladesh, Egypt, Nigeria, Mexico, Indonesia, Philippines, Thai­land, Turkey, Ethiopia, and Colombia. The reader is invited to re­flect upon the tragic history of these unfortunate 13 since Kissinger drew up the list in late 1974.13


  1. Argy, Victor. "The Postwar International Money Crisis." George Allen & Unwin. London, 1981.

  2. "Saltsjoebaden Conference." Bilderberg meetings, 11-13 May 1973. The author has on file an original copy of the official discussion from this meeting. The agenda for the May 1973 Saltsjobaden meeting of the Bilderberg group was or­ganized by Robert Murphy. This was the same man who, in 1922 as Consul in Munich, first met Adolf Hitler and send back favorable recommendations to his superiors in Washington (See Chapter 6). Robert D. Murphy also shaped US po­licy towards Germany after 1944 when he held the rank of Political Adviser in Germany and from 1945-49 of Political Adviser to the Office of Military Gover­nment for Germany.Walter Levy, who made the Bilderberg presentation, has built his career as an apologist of big oil. In 1948, as the US Government's offi­cial oil economist with the Marshall Plan's Economic Co-operation Admini­stration, Levy had tried to block an official ECA government inquiry into the charges of excessively high oil prices to European Marshall Plan recipient coun­tries.

  1. Golan, Matti. "The Secret Conversations of Henry Kissinger: Step-by-step di­plomacy in the Middle East." New York. Bantam Books Inc., 1976.

  2. Kissinger, Henry A. "Years of Upheaval." Little, Brown & Co., Boston, 1982.

  3. Memorandum reproduced in "International Currency Review." Vol. 20,6. Jan­uary 1991. London, p. 45.

  4. Akins, James. Private conversations regarding his tenure as Director of Fuels & Energy Office of U.S. State Department at that time, later Ambassador to Saudi Arabia.

  5. Goodwin, Craufurd D., et al. "Energy Policy in Perspective." Washington D.C., . The Brookings Institution, 1981.

8. For a revealing view of the intimate inter-relation of Mr. Kissinger and the Brit-
ish Foreign Office during the entire period of the early 1970's oil shock, it is use-

ful to cite a section from a remarkably frank address given by Kissinger on May 10,1982 before the Royal Institute of International Affairs in London. Follow­ing several minutes of effusive praise for the two centuries of skillful British "balance of power" diplomacy, Kissinger then approvingly cites the postwar U.S.-British "special relationship," adding, "Our postwar diplomatic history is littered with Anglo-American 'arrangements' and 'understandings,' sometimes on crucial issues, never put into formal documents. ..The British were so matter-of-factly helpful that they became a participant in internal American deliberations, to a degree probably never before practiced between sovereign nations. In my period in office, the British played seminal role in certain American bilateral negotia­tions...In my White House incarnation then, I kept the British Foreign Office better informed and more closely engaged than I did the American State Depart­ment..." Kissinger then cites as example his U.S. negotiations over the future of Rhodesia: "In my negotiations over Rhodesia, I worked from a British draft with British spelling even when I did not fully grasp the distinction between a working paper and a Cabinet-approved document. The practice of collabora­tion thrives to our day..." Kissinger, Henry A. "Reflections on a Partnership: British and American Attitudes to Postwar Foreign Policy." Royal Institute of International Affairs, Chatham House, London. May 10,1982.

  1. Ford Foundation Energy Policy Project. "A Time to choose: America's Energy Future." Ballinger Publishing Co. Cambridge Massachusetts. 1974.

  2. In June 1973, on the personal initiative of Chase Manhattan Bank chairman David Rockefeller, an influential new international organization, largely built on the foundation of the Bilderberg group, was established. It was called the Tri­lateral Commission, and its first executive director was Bilderberg attendee Zbigniew Brzezinski. The Trilateral Commission attempted for the first time in postwar Anglo-American history to draw Japanese finance and business elites into the Anglo-American policy consensus formation. In 1976, Henry Kissinger changed places with Brzezinski as Trilateral director, while Brzezinski assumed Kissinger's job as National Security Adviser to the new President Jimmy Carter, himself a member of the semi-secret Trilateral Commission group as were many of his key cabinet secretaries.

  3. The background for this part is the result of extensive interview and corporate industry research by the author over a more than 16-year period.

  4. For an excellent critique of Malthus and Malthusian economics, see LaRouche, Lyndon H. "There Are No Limits to Growth." New Benjamin Franklin House. 1983. New York.

  5. National Security Study Memorandum 200. "Implications of Worldwide Pop­ulation Growth for U.S. Security and Overseas Interests." U.S. National Ar­chives. December 10,1974.


Europe, Japan and the Developing Sector Respond to the Oil Shock

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