• China lends Nigeria Dollars 2bn in exchange for oil talks. • Ft com site : China oils Nigeria talks with loan

finance company, provides funds to students for higher education in the United States. It offers private student loans that supplements financing for qualified students through the federal government and are not guaranteed by the government; loan guaranties, which are provided by third-party lenders; PrePrime student loans for post-secondary school borrowers; and federal loans. The company markets its products under ?MyRichUncle' brand name. MRU Holdings is based in New York, New York. With 25.89 million shares outstanding and 669,100 shares declared short as of November 2007, there is a failure to deliver in shares of UNCL.
Uranium Resources Inc. (NASDAQ: URRE) together with its subsidiaries, engages in the acquisition, exploration, development, and mining of uranium properties, using the in situ recovery or solution mining process. The company owns Kingsville Dome, Vasquez, and Rosita properties located in south Texas; and Churchrock, Crownpoint, Nose Rock, and West Largo and Roca Honda properties located in New Mexico. Its primary customers include utilities who utilize nuclear power to generate electricity. The company was founded in 1977 and is based in Lewisville, Texas. With 52.3 million shares outstanding and 4.83 million shares declared short as of November 2007, there is a failure to deliver in shares of URRE.
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Document MTPW000020071218e3ci0076f

My Experience With Tianshi [opinion]
by Matthew Ewansubhor

1,156 words

14 December 2007

06:39 AM

All Africa

AFNWS

English

(c) 2007 AllAfrica, All Rights Reserved
Lagos, Dec 14, 2007 (This Day/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) -- "Tianshi", an catch name for Tiens Group, a Chinese company, registered in Nigeria as Tianshi Health Products Company Nigeria Limited. It was year 2004 after months of registration I involved my company and friends in their product distribution, media and marketing consultancy, without knowing the enigma of Tianshi. However, knowing that Tianshi is a multi-level marketing (MLM) outfit, we do not approach them for outright advertisements but promotional.
The height of our performance was when Nigeria produced two (2) cities Lagos and Abuja that won the gold and silver respectively as the world most selling shops for Tiens Group. The then Lagos Managing Director, Mr. Yanlei Wu, who also oversees other West African countries and Kenya promised extending our services to this regional zone. We had very good working relationship. For major ideas, he personally visits my office. These activities earned him a promotion as Tiens Group Vice President, Africa Region.
We learnt major decisions are taken in their corporate headquarters in Tianjin, China. So, all our Directors had to embark on the process of achieving this objective - raising money, etc. in order to trip to and from China. Due to my persuasion, my Elder Brother loaned some money. We later discovered the "agreement" the lawyer wrote did not reflect the loan. It was actual chicanery that our family houses became an issue in the draft.
The first visit to Tianjin, China year 2005 discussion with the Media Head (worldwide) Mr. Richard Cao was most remarkable. This led to the approval of USD$380,000 (Over N50 million) It was the most interesting announcement presented by Tiens Group President Mr. Li Jinyuan in a conference, in Kenya, November 2005 that Tiens Group will spend the amount for media presentations in Nigeria. We were later told the money has been squandered.
The continuous low sales in Nigeria that made most distributors stop the business while BMW Car awardees scrambled for other networks to earn a living, others outrightly sold their new cars and join employment necessitated our second visit to China September 27th to November 6th, 2006 mainly to revive Tiens Group Marketing in Nigeria. Serious deliberations were presented in Tianjin, China at the office of the Marketing Development Department (in charge of worldsales) headed by Mr. Li Ping. Letters and scanned pictures were left behind.
The above visits to Tianjin, China and the letters left behind may have prompted the February 2007 visit of an "Investigator" - Mr. Henry Shen, the President Tiens Group Africa Region. On a day he said he devoted to my company alone, we met for a comprehensive discussion. He actually saw things practically. At the end, we left the already e-mailed letters (September 27th, 2006, February 10th and 16th, 2007 respectively, reference letters July 4th 2006 and August 2nd, 2006) among others to be "hand-delivered" to Tiens Group President. On phone, I got the response that they were faithfully submitted and discussed.
Worried by my creditors and tired of watching partial interpretation of our ideas though confirming the axiom: "There are limitations in imitation", I then sent a compassionate letter to Tiens Group President, Mr. Li Jinyuan on August 15th, 2007 demanding for our consultancy fees to enable me pay my creditors. In case he needs verification using his lieutenants in Nigeria, names and addresses of my creditors were given to him with full details of how my family houses became an issue while doing business with Tianshi.
Through a law firm, I got a disclaimer notice dated August 23rd, 2007 reading: " It is also within our knowledge that our client never in any time engaged you or your company to carry out any work " Quoting Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) Act 2004, copying EFCC Chairman and Lagos State Commissioner of Police. Sticking to their disclaimer decision though another law firm has written with documented evidences and sent a reminder, they simply refused to reply.
The unscheduled visit of Tiens Group President Mr. Jinyuan to Nigeria (October 2007) was not unconnected with our letters. All the investment proposals to Nigeria he promised were the excellent feasibility study report accompanied with my presentation in newspapers (same day) sent to him on April 24th, 2007 via e-mail. As promised in the report that Lagos Tianshi Managing Director Mr. Simon Shen be contacted for detailed discussion, we met him and stressed the possibilities of Tianshi jointly establishing Institution and Manufacturing Plant on Herbal Products in Nigeria.
During our last meeting of Top Distributors (August 6th 2007) held at Tianshi Head Office in Lagos, the over 50 major distributors in attendance representing Lagos zone will recall my comments on this issue and this very report, I discussed with Lagos Managing Director on Tianshi capital project in Nigeria. One of the first Tianshi distributors in Nigeria, Mr. Uvoh, said: "This is the main agenda for today's meeting", subsequently, it was discussed extensively and resolution taken. At least, this is another of my sweat. I am a fellow human and I deserve credit not ignominy. I am a stakeholder of this project in Nigeria. I spent my early life's savings and gratuity from Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) on this. The current standard of Tiens Group and the likes that Nigerians revered today was my initial plans in 1990/1991 that in 1992 I came out with this invitation. Throughout Nigeria, very good number of men and women got this invitation.
It has been like this since year 2004 when we commenced assisting Tianshi in Nigeria. The benefits they derive from us are innumerable, hence we are demanding for our wages in order to continue our endeavours to humanity. Worldwide, companies pay for such sincere services with appreciation.
However, Mr. Li Jinyuan pretended not to be aware of my plight and the family houses I am losing to my creditors. He simply saw the people he needed to see and left Nigeria. Somebody should tell him that Nigerians are not demented. Nobody has a monopoly of making money without caution.
The hard postures of these Chinese are not mere arrogance but greediness. They are bleeding Nigeria and Nigerians. From April, 2005, Federal Government of Nigeria stopped Tianshi from collecting taxes on bonus. Deductions collected prior to this date were neither remitted to Government (no receipt to individual distributor) nor refunded to individuals concerned.
I implore the Federal Government of Nigeria to compel Tianshi to follow the terms of application forms signed by Distributors in line with Government policies and refund these deducted amounts to their respective owners with interest accrued.
Sincerely, if gold rusts, who cares about iron? Tianshi knows nobody or company in Nigeria. Their convenient denial of ever knowing me and my company despite our being such stakeholders speaks volume of their corporate value and responsibility.
Ewansubhor wrote from Lagos
Document AFNWS00020071214e3ce000sb
INDIA: FOREIGN DRUG FIRMS TAKE ADVANTAGE OF WEAK REGULATIONS
By Keya Acharya

986 words

14 December 2007

Inter Press Service

IPRS

English

(c) 2007 Global Information Network
BANGALORE, India, Dec. 14, 2007 (IPS/GIN) -- Multinational drug companies and researchers are increasingly basing their clinical trials in India, in order to capitalize on the country's lack of regulation, low costs of operation and wide availability of target participants.
An estimated 40 percent of all clinical trials now take place in Asia, Eastern Europe, Central America and South America.
"There is no compulsory registration system for clinical trials in these countries and many do not follow European directives in their operations," said Dr. Jacob Sijtsma of the Netherlands-based WEMOS, an advocacy health organization that tracks clinical trials in developing countries.
Sijtsma, who was in India for a bioethics conference earlier this month at the Bangalore-based National Institute of Mental Health Sciences, said there is a growing concern in India's medical and civil society about the lax regulation and ethicality of clinical trials conducted in this country.
In 2006, WEMOS and the Center for Research on Multinational Corporations prepared an overview of 22 known examples of unethical clinical trials, eight of which were operating in India.
One example of an illegal and unethical trial in India involved Sun Pharmaceuticals and Novartis's trials of Letrozole for inducing ovulation when approved only for breast cancer. Other examples from India include Novo Nordisk's trials for diabetes treatment; Solvay Pharmaceuticals' trials for treating diarrhea; Johnson and Johnson's trials for treating acute malaria; Pfizer's trials for cardiac events; Otsuka's trials for arterial disease; Shantha Biotechnics and Biocon trials for diabetes; and Johns Hopkins' University's trials for treating oral cancer.
Other countries with documented illegal trials include Russia, Nepal, Uganda, Peru, China, Nigeria and Argentina. England and the U.S. also hosted some illegal trials involving well-known institutions such as the U.S. National Institute of Health, Walter Reed Army Institute of Research, the Centers for Disease Control and several international pharmaceutical firms.
Dr. Bernard Lo from the University of California in San Francisco said even more disturbing questions arise in the field of stem cell research, especially concerning the newly discovered "induced pluripotent stem cells."
In this system, embryonic stem cells are not used, but virtually any cell is taken to the laboratory, inserted with a human gene and grown into human cells.
"This makes for laboratory manipulation of basic science research, no consent is needed by anyone and the cells can be bought commercially, giving rise to all sorts of ethical questions that need to keep pace with the rapid research in this field," Lo said.
"I am extremely concerned about the conduct of stem cell research in India," said Dr. Pushp Bhargava, a highly respected former director of India's Center for Molecular Biology at Hyderabad city. "We have no idea where these cells are coming from, whether they have been characterized," Bhargava said.
"There is no method of validation or checking," he added.
WEMOS's Dr. Leontien Laterveer said a lack of transparency and secrecy shrouding all clinical trials, whether in India or other countries, makes it very difficult to obtain information about their operations.
"We are appealing to Indian organizations looking at this issue to come forward and collaborate with us," Laterveer and Sjitsma said.
More importantly, there are insufficient checks by the European Union in spite of the Helsinki Declaration on a code of ethics for clinical trials, making it easy for drugs to enter the European market, they said.
"European pharmaceuticals are also not bothered about legal and regulatory aspects," Laterveer said. "They leave it to the countries themselves."
The Helsinki Declaration is currently under review.
"We need the input of Southern experts to help process the review of the Helsinki Declaration," Sjitsma said.
Media exposés of exploitation in cases such as the Johns Hopkins' Hospital's collaboration with the Regional Cancer Treatment Center in Kerala, in 2000, forced the Indian Council of Medical Research to inquire into the trials.
The results however are still not public and no action has been taken against its then-director, while the Johns Hopkins University barred the principal investigator from heading future research with human subjects.
In recent years, India has made some regulatory attempts, amending its drugs and cosmetics act to require compliance by trial conductors with a set of good clinical guidelines, as well as to strengthen the ethics committee that the Indian Council of Medical Research formulated.
But there is still neither a mandatory compensatory payment, nor a strong penalty against the defaulting company.
"We need to pin down direct responsibility for monitoring with the ethics committee and measures taken to permanently revoke the license of the defaulting company," said Adarsh Gangadhar, a lawyer attached to the National Academy for Legal Studies and Research in Hyderabad.
Dr. Prathap Tharyan, head of psychiatry at the respected Christian Medical College, Vellore, and South Asia coordinator of Cochrane, a network of specialists working to improve evidence-based healthcare, said "deception, fraud and structural problems in randomized clinical trials" are rampant in India.
Tharyan has now helped set up an online Clinical Trials Registry through the Indian Council of Medical Research. Its implementation, however, remains dependent on wider awareness of the issues involved in India.
"Ethics awareness in India is evolving and the law intervening, but I find a deficiency in working out solutions for implementation," said Madhav Menon, one of India's leading legal experts.
The National Institute of AIDS Research at Pune is committed to setting up community advisory bodies with participation from field workers, patients and others interested in disseminating awareness and information on the rights of participants in clinical trials.
However, the entire concept of community advisory bodies is still evolving, with insufficient information available on rights or ethical principles. In addition, there is no mechanism for the redressal of grievances, said Dr. Sanjay Mehendale of the National Institute of AIDS Research.
Document IPRS000020071215e3ce00003
This Day (Nigeria) - AAGM: My Experience With Tianshi.
Matthew Ewansubhor

1,156 words

13 December 2007

This Day (Nigeria)

AIWTHD

English

The Financial Times Limited. Asia Africa Intelligence Wire. All material subject to copyright. This Day (Nigeria) (c) 2007 All rights reserved
"Tianshi", an catch name for Tiens Group, a Chinese company, registered in Nigeria as Tianshi Health Products Company Nigeria Limited. It was year 2004 after months of registration I involved my company and friends in their product distribution, media and marketing consultancy, without knowing the enigma of Tianshi. However, knowing that Tianshi is a multi-level marketing (MLM) outfit, we do not approach them for outright advertisements but promotional.
The height of our performance was when Nigeria produced two (2) cities Lagos and Abuja that won the gold and silver respectively as the world most selling shops for Tiens Group. The then Lagos Managing Director, Mr. Yanlei Wu, who also oversees other West African countries and Kenya promised extending our services to this regional zone. We had very good working relationship. For major ideas, he personally visits my office. These activities earned him a promotion as Tiens Group Vice President, Africa Region.
We learnt major decisions are taken in their corporate headquarters in Tianjin, China. So, all our Directors had to embark on the process of achieving this objective - raising money, etc. in order to trip to and from China. Due to my persuasion, my Elder Brother loaned some money. We later discovered the "agreement" the lawyer wrote did not reflect the loan. It was actual chicanery that our family houses became an issue in the draft.
The first visit to Tianjin, China year 2005 discussion with the Media Head (worldwide) Mr. Richard Cao was most remarkable. This led to the approval of USD$380,000 (Over N50 million) It was the most interesting announcement presented by Tiens Group President Mr. Li Jinyuan in a conference, in Kenya, November 2005 that Tiens Group will spend the amount for media presentations in Nigeria. We were later told the money has been squandered.
The continuous low sales in Nigeria that made most distributors stop the business while BMW Car awardees scrambled for other networks to earn a living, others outrightly sold their new cars and join employment necessitated our second visit to China September 27th to November 6th, 2006 mainly to revive Tiens Group Marketing in Nigeria. Serious deliberations were presented in Tianjin, China at the office of the Marketing Development Department (in charge of worldsales) headed by Mr. Li Ping. Letters and scanned pictures were left behind.
The above visits to Tianjin, China and the letters left behind may have prompted the February 2007 visit of an "Investigator" - Mr. Henry Shen, the President Tiens Group Africa Region. On a day he said he devoted to my company alone, we met for a comprehensive discussion. He actually saw things practically. At the end, we left the already e-mailed letters (September 27th, 2006, February 10th and 16th, 2007 respectively, reference letters July 4th 2006 and August 2nd, 2006) among others to be "hand-delivered" to Tiens Group President. On phone, I got the response that they were faithfully submitted and discussed.
Worried by my creditors and tired of watching partial interpretation of our ideas though confirming the axiom: "There are limitations in imitation", I then sent a compassionate letter to Tiens Group President, Mr. Li Jinyuan on August 15th, 2007 demanding for our consultancy fees to enable me pay my creditors. In case he needs verification using his lieutenants in Nigeria, names and addresses of my creditors were given to him with full details of how my family houses became an issue while doing business with Tianshi.
Through a law firm, I got a disclaimer notice dated August 23rd, 2007 reading: " It is also within our knowledge that our client never in any time engaged you or your company to carry out any work " Quoting Economic and Financial Crime Commission (EFCC) Act 2004, copying EFCC Chairman and Lagos State Commissioner of Police. Sticking to their disclaimer decision though another law firm has written with documented evidences and sent a reminder, they simply refused to reply.
The unscheduled visit of Tiens Group President Mr. Jinyuan to Nigeria (October 2007) was not unconnected with our letters. All the investment proposals to Nigeria he promised were the excellent feasibility study report accompanied with my presentation in newspapers (same day) sent to him on April 24th, 2007 via e-mail. As promised in the report that Lagos Tianshi Managing Director Mr. Simon Shen be contacted for detailed discussion, we met him and stressed the possibilities of Tianshi jointly establishing Institution and Manufacturing Plant on Herbal Products in Nigeria.
During our last meeting of Top Distributors (August 6th 2007) held at Tianshi Head Office in Lagos, the over 50 major distributors in attendance representing Lagos zone will recall my comments on this issue and this very report, I discussed with Lagos Managing Director on Tianshi capital project in Nigeria. One of the first Tianshi distributors in Nigeria, Mr. Uvoh, said: "This is the main agenda for today's meeting", subsequently, it was discussed extensively and resolution taken. At least, this is another of my sweat. I am a fellow human and I deserve credit not ignominy. I am a stakeholder of this project in Nigeria. I spent my early life's savings and gratuity from Nigerian Television Authority (NTA) on this. The current standard of Tiens Group and the likes that Nigerians revered today was my initial plans in 1990/1991 that in 1992 I came out with this invitation. Throughout Nigeria, very good number of men and women got this invitation.
It has been like this since year 2004 when we commenced assisting Tianshi in Nigeria. The benefits they derive from us are innumerable, hence we are demanding for our wages in order to continue our endeavours to humanity. Worldwide, companies pay for such sincere services with appreciation.
However, Mr. Li Jinyuan pretended not to be aware of my plight and the family houses I am losing to my creditors. He simply saw the people he needed to see and left Nigeria. Somebody should tell him that Nigerians are not demented. Nobody has a monopoly of making money without caution.
The hard postures of these Chinese are not mere arrogance but greediness. They are bleeding Nigeria and Nigerians. From April, 2005, Federal Government of Nigeria stopped Tianshi from collecting taxes on bonus. Deductions collected prior to this date were neither remitted to Government (no receipt to individual distributor) nor refunded to individuals concerned.
I implore the Federal Government of Nigeria to compel Tianshi to follow the terms of application forms signed by Distributors in line with Government policies and refund these deducted amounts to their respective owners with interest accrued.
Sincerely, if gold rusts, who cares about iron? Tianshi knows nobody or company in Nigeria. Their convenient denial of ever knowing me and my company despite our being such stakeholders speaks volume of their corporate value and responsibility.
Ewansubhor wrote from Lagos
Distributed by AllAfrica Global Media. (allafrica.com)
FTDL60817961
Document AIWTHD0020071215e3cd0000a
Gambia, The (12/07)
3,576 words

7 December 2007

State Department Press Releases And Documents

STDP

English

Copyright (c) 2007 Federal Information & News Dispatch, Inc.
State Department Background Notes
Bureau of African Affairs December 2007
Background Note: The Gambia
The flag of The Gambia is three equal horizontal bands of red (top), blue with white edges, and green.
PROFILE
OFFICIAL NAME: Republic of The Gambia
Geography Area: 11,300 sq. km. (4,361 sq. mi.); less than half the size of Maryland. Cities: Capital--Banjul (pop. 34,828 excluding suburbs; 2003 census provisional). Terrain: Flood plain of the Gambia River flanked by low hills. Climate: Tropical; hot rainy season (June to November); cooler, dry season (November to May).
People Nationality: Noun and adjective--Gambian(s). Population (2006): 1.5 million. Annual growth rate (2003 census): 2.8%. Ethnic groups (2003 census): Mandinka 42%, Fula 18%, Wolof 16%, Jola 10%, Sarahule 9%, Serere 7.8%, Krio/Aku Marabout 1.8%, Manjago 0.8%, Bambara 0.7%, other Gambians 1.2%, no declaration 0.3%. Non-Gambians 12.9% of the population. Religions: Muslim 90%, Christian 9%, other 1%. Languages: English (official), Mandinka, Wolof, Fula, Jola, Sarahule, other indigenous languages. Education: Years compulsory--up to age eight. Attendance--69% primary, 35% secondary. Adult literacy--37.8%. Health: Life expectancy--57 yrs (2005 est.). Infant mortality rate (2005)--97 /1,000. Access to safe drinking water (2004)--urban 95%, rural 77%. Work force (400,000): Agriculture--70%; industry, commerce, services--24%; government-- 6%.
Government Type: Republic. Independence: February 18, 1965. Constitution: January 16, 1997. Branches: Executive, legislative, and judicial. Subdivisions: Capital and six divisions. Political parties: Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC), United Democratic Party (UDP), National Reconciliation Party (NRP), National Convention Party (NCP), Peoples Democratic Organization for Independence and Socialism (PDOIS), National Democratic Action Movement (NDAM), and the Gambia Party for Democracy and Progress (GPDP).
Economy GDP (2006): $511.4 million. Annual growth rate (2006): 6.5%. Per capita income (2006): $356. Natural resources: Seismic studies indicate the possible presence of oil and gas offshore. Services: 56% of GDP, 2006. Agriculture (29.8% of GDP, 2006): Products--peanuts, rice, millet, sorghum, fish, palm kernels, vegetables, livestock, forestry. Industry (10.9% of GDP, 2006): Types--peanut products, construction, telecommunications, brewing, soft drinks, agricultural machinery assembly, woodworking, metal working, clothing. Trade: (2004 est.): Principal exports--$123.3 million: 13% groundnut products, 4.2% fish and fish preparations, and 82.1% re-exports. Major markets--India 37.6%, U.K. 19.4%, France 5.8%, and Thailand 3.9%. Principal imports--$207.2 million including food and beverages, manufactures, machinery and transport equipment, and minerals and fuel. Major suppliers--China, Senegal, Brazil, U.K., and Netherlands. Official Development Assistance (ODA) received from all sources (2001): $50.9 million. U.S. economic aid received (FY 2007): $88,000 in grassroots projects and assistance to democracy and human rights programs.
PEOPLE AND HISTORY A wide variety of ethnic groups live in The Gambia with a minimum of intertribal friction, each preserving its own language and traditions. The Mandinka tribe is the largest, followed by the Fula, Wolof, Jola, and Sarahule. Approximately 3,500 non-Africans live in The Gambia, including Europeans and families of Lebanese origin.
Muslims constitute more than 90% of the population. Christians of different denominations account for most of the remainder. Gambians officially observe the holidays of both religions and practice religious tolerance.
More than 63% of Gambians live in rural villages (1993 census), although more and more young people come to the capital in search of work and education. Provisional figures from the 2003 census show that the gap between the urban and rural populations is narrowing as more areas are declared urban. While urban migration, development projects, and modernization are bringing more Gambians into contact with Western habits and values, the traditional emphasis on the extended family, as well as indigenous forms of dress and celebration, remain integral parts of everyday life.
The Gambia was once part of the Ghana Empire and the Songhai Empire. The first written accounts of the region come from records of Arab traders in the 9th and 10th centuries A.D. Arab traders established the trans-Saharan trade route for slaves, gold, and ivory. In the 15th century, the Portuguese took over this trade using maritime routes. At that time, The Gambia was part of the Kingdom of Mali.
In 1588, the claimant to the Portuguese throne, Antonio, Prior of Crato, sold exclusive trade rights on The Gambia River to English merchants; this grant was confirmed by letters patent from Queen Elizabeth I. In 1618, King James I granted a charter to a British company for trade with The Gambia and the Gold Coast (now Ghana).
During the late 17th century and throughout the 18th, England and France struggled continuously for political and commercial supremacy in the regions of the Senegal and Gambia Rivers. The 1783 Treaty of Versailles gave Great Britain possession of The Gambia, but the French retained a tiny enclave at Albreda on the north bank of the river, which was ceded to the United Kingdom in 1857.
As many as 3 million slaves may have been taken from the region during the three centuries that the transatlantic slave trade operated. It is not known how many slaves were taken by Arab traders prior to and simultaneous with the transatlantic slave trade. Most of those taken were sold to Europeans by other Africans; some were prisoners of intertribal wars; some were sold because of unpaid debts, while others were kidnapped. Slaves were initially sent to Europe to work as servants until the market for labor expanded in the West Indies and North America in the 18th century. In 1807, slave trading was abolished throughout the British Empire, and the British tried unsuccessfully to end the slave traffic in The Gambia. They established the military post of Bathurst (now Banjul) in 1816. In the ensuing years, Banjul was at times under the jurisdiction of the British governor general in Sierra Leone. In 1888, The Gambia became a separate colonial entity.
An 1889 agreement with France established the present boundaries, and The Gambia became a British Crown Colony, divided for administrative purposes into the colony (city of Banjul and the surrounding area) and the protectorate (remainder of the territory). The Gambia received its own executive and legislative councils in 1901 and gradually progressed toward self-government. A 1906 ordinance abolished slavery.
During World War II, Gambian troops fought with the Allies in Burma. Banjul served as an air stop for the U.S. Army Air Corps and a port of call for Allied naval convoys. U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt stopped overnight in Banjul en route to and from the Casablanca Conference in 1943, marking the first visit to the African Continent by an American president while in office.
After World War II, the pace of constitutional reform quickened. Following general elections in 1962, full internal self-government was granted in 1963. The Gambia achieved independence on February 18, 1965, as a constitutional monarchy within the British Commonwealth. Shortly thereafter, the government proposed conversion from a monarchy to a republic with an elected president replacing the British monarch as chief of state. The proposal failed to receive the two-thirds majority required to amend the constitution, but the results won widespread attention abroad as testimony to The Gambia's observance of secret balloting, honest elections, and civil rights and liberties. On April 24, 1970, The Gambia became a republic following a referendum.
Until a military coup in July 1994, The Gambia was led by President Sir Dawda Kairaba Jawara, who was re-elected five times. The relative stability of the Jawara era was first broken by a violent, unsuccessful coup attempt in 1981. The coup was led by Kukoi Samba Sanyang, who, on two occasions, had unsuccessfully sought election to parliament. After a week of violence which left several hundred dead, President Jawara, in London when the attack began, appealed to Senegal for help. Senegalese troops defeated the rebel force.
In the aftermath of the attempted coup, Senegal and The Gambia signed the 1982 Treaty of Confederation. The result, the Senegambia Confederation, aimed eventually to combine the armed forces of the two nations and to unify economies and currencies. The Gambia withdrew from the confederation in 1989.
In July 1994, the Armed Forces Provisional Ruling Council (AFPRC) seized power in a military coup d'etat, deposing the government of Sir Dawda Jawara. Lieutenant Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh, chairman of the AFPRC, became head of state.
The AFPRC announced a transition plan for return to democratic civilian government. The Provisional Independent Electoral Commission (PIEC) was established in 1996 to conduct national elections. The transition process included the compilation of a new electoral register, adoption of a new constitution by referendum in August 1996, and presidential and legislative elections in September 1996 and January 1997, respectively. Foreign observers did not deem these elections free and fair. Retired Col. Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh was sworn into office as President of the Republic of The Gambia in November 1996. The PIEC was transformed to the Independent Electoral Commission (IEC) in 1997 and became responsible for registration of voters and conduct of elections and referenda.
In late 2001 and early 2002, The Gambia completed a full cycle of presidential, legislative, and local elections, which foreign observers deemed free, fair, and transparent, albeit with some shortcomings. President Yahya Jammeh, who was re-elected, took the oath of office again on December 21, 2001. The APRC maintained its strong majority in the National Assembly, particularly after the main opposition United Democratic Party (UDP) boycotted the legislative elections. President Jammeh was re-elected for a third five- year term on September 22, 2006 with 67% of the vote. The UDP received 27% of the vote, and instead of boycotting future elections, vowed to take part in the 2007 National Assembly elections. In the January 2007 parliamentary elections the ruling Alliance for Patriotic Reorientation and Construction (APRC) won 42 of the available 48 elected seats.
GOVERNMENT The 1970 constitution, which divided the government into independent executive, legislative, and judicial branches, was suspended after the 1994 military coup. As part of the transition process, the AFPRC established the Constitution Review Commission (CRC) through decree in March 1995. In accordance with the timetable for the transition to a democratically elected government, the commission drafted a new constitution for The Gambia, which approved by referendum in August 1996. The constitution provides for a strong presidential government, a unicameral legislature, an independent judiciary, and the protection of human rights.
Local government in The Gambia varies. The capital city, Banjul and the much larger Kanifing Municipality have elected town and municipal councils. Five rural divisions exist, each with a council containing a majority of elected members. Each council has its own treasury and is responsible for local government services. Tribal chiefs retain traditional powers authorized by customary law in some instances.
Principal Government Officials President--Yahya Abdulaziz Jemus Junkung Jammeh Vice President--Isatou Njie-Saidy Ambassador-designate to the United States--Tamsir Jallow UN Representative--Omar Touray
The Gambia maintains an embassy at 1156 15th Street, NW, Suite 905, Washington, DC 20005. Tel. [phone]. Its UN mission is located at 820 2nd Avenue, Suite 900-C, New York, NY 10017. Tel. [phone].
DEFENSE The Gambian national army numbers about 1,900. The army consists of infantry battalions, the national guard, and the navy, all under the authority of the Department of State for Defense (a ministerial portfolio held by President Jammeh). Prior to the 1994 coup, the Gambian army received technical assistance and training from the United States, United Kingdom, People's Republic of China, Nigeria, and Turkey. With the withdrawal of most of this aid, the army has received renewed assistance from Turkey and new assistance from Libya and others. The Gambia allowed its military training arrangement with Libya to expire in 2002.
Members of the Gambian military participated in ECOMOG, the West African force deployed during the Liberian civil war beginning in 1990. Gambian forces have subsequently participated in several other peacekeeping operations, including, inter alia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Democratic Republic of the Congo, Sierra Leone, Eritrea, and East Timor. The Gambia contributed 150 troops to Liberia in 2003 as part of the ECOMIL contingent. In 2004, The Gambia contributed a 196-man contingent to the UN Peacekeeping Mission in Darfur, Sudan. Responsibilities for internal security and law enforcement rest with the Gambian police under the Inspector General of Police and the Secretary of State for the Interior.
POLITICAL CONDITIONS Before the coup d'etat in July 1994, The Gambia was one of the oldest existing multi-party democracies in Africa. It had conducted freely contested elections every 5 years since independence. After the military coup, politicians from deposed President Jawara's People's Progressive Party (PPP) and other senior government officials were banned from participating in politics until July 2001.
The People's Progressive Party (PPP), headed by former president Jawara, had dominated Gambian politics for nearly 30 years. After spearheading the movement toward complete independence from Britain, the PPP was voted into power and was never seriously challenged by any opposition party. The last elections under the PPP regime were held in April 1992.
Following the coup in July 1994, a presidential election took place in September 1996, in which retired Col. Yahya A.J.J. Jammeh won 56% of the vote. The legislative elections held in January 1997 were dominated by the APRC, which captured 33 out of 45 seats. In July 2001, the ban on Jawara-era political parties and politicians was lifted. Four registered opposition parties participated in the October 18, 2001, presidential election, which the incumbent, President Yahya Jammeh, won with almost 53% of the votes. The APRC maintained its strong majority in the National Assembly in legislative elections held in January 2002, particularly after the main opposition United Democratic Party (UDP) boycotted the legislative elections.
President Jammeh won the September 2006 elections with 67% of the vote while the opposition alliance won a total of 27%. In the January 2007 parliamentary elections, Jammeh's APRC won 42 of the available 48 seats. While both the September and January elections were declared credible, several sources have reported increased oversight of journalists in the preceding months. A failed coup in March 2006 had a major effect on The Gambia's political climate. Since then President Jammeh has taken far-reaching steps to maintain power.
ECONOMY The Gambia has a liberal, market-based economy characterized by traditional subsistence agriculture, a historic reliance on groundnuts (peanuts) for export earnings, a re-export trade built up around its ocean port, low import duties, minimal administrative procedures, a fluctuating exchange rate with no exchange controls, and a significant tourism industry.
Agriculture accounts for roughly 30% of gross domestic product (GDP) and employs about 80% of the labor force. Within agriculture, peanut production accounts for 6.9% of GDP, other crops 8.3%, livestock 5.3%, fishing 1.8%, and forestry 0.5%. Industry accounts for approximately 14% of GDP and services approximately 54%. The limited amount of manufacturing is primarily agriculturally based (e.g., peanut processing, bakeries, a brewery, and a tannery). Other manufacturing activities include soap, soft drinks, and clothing.
Previously, the U.K. and other EU countries constituted The Gambia's major domestic export markets. However, in recent years India, Thailand, and China have gained increasing proportions of Gambian exports. The African sub-region, including Senegal, Guinea-Bissau, and Ghana are also important trade partners. China and Brazil have become important source countries for Gambian imports. The U.K., other EU countries, and Senegal also command a large share of Gambian imports.
FOREIGN RELATIONS The Gambia followed a formal policy of nonalignment throughout most of former President Jawara's tenure. It maintained close relations with the United Kingdom, Senegal, and other African countries. The July 1994 coup strained The Gambia's relationship with Western powers, particularly the United States, which until 2002 suspended most non- humanitarian assistance in accordance with Section 508 of the Foreign Assistance Act. Since 1995, President Jammeh has established diplomatic relations with several additional countries, including Libya, Taiwan and Cuba.
The Gambia plays an active role in international affairs, especially West African and Islamic affairs, although its representation abroad is limited. As a member of the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), The Gambia has played an active role in that organization's efforts to resolve the civil wars in Liberia and Sierra Leone and contributed troops to the community's ceasefire monitoring group (ECOMOG) in 1990 and (ECOMIL) in 2003. It also has sought to mediate disputes in nearby Guinea-Bissau and the neighboring Casamance region of Senegal. The Government of The Gambia believes Senegal was complicit in the March 2006 failed coup attempt. This has put increasing strains on relations between The Gambia and its neighbor. The subsequent worsening of the human rights situation has placed increasing strains of U.S.-Gambia relations.
U.S.-GAMBIAN RELATIONS U.S. policy seeks to build improved relations with The Gambia on the basis of historical ties, mutual respect, democratic rule, human rights, and adherence to UN resolutions on counter-terrorism, conflict diamonds, and other forms of trafficking. Following The Gambia's successful presidential and legislative elections in October 2001 and January 2002, respectively, the U.S. Government determined that a democratically elected government had assumed office and thus lifted the sanctions it had imposed against The Gambia in accordance with Section 508 of the Foreign Assistance Act as a result of the 1994 coup. U.S. assistance supports democracy, human rights, girls' education, and the fight against HIV/AIDS. In addition, the Peace Corps maintains a large program with about 100 volunteers engaged in the environment, public health, and education sectors, mainly at the village level.
Relations with the U.S. have not been improved significantly due to the human rights and freedom of press shortcomings, which resulted in the suspension of The Gambia's compact with the Millennium Challenge Corporation (MCC) in June 2006. The Gambia became eligible for preferential trade benefits under the African Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA) on January 1, 2003.
Principal U.S. Officials Ambassador-designate--Barry Wells Deputy Chief of Mission/Charge d'Affaires--Brian Bachman Peace Corps Country Director--Michael McConnell
The U.S. Embassy in The Gambia is situated in Fajara on Kairaba Avenue, formerly known as Pipeline Road. Tel: [220] 4392856; fax [220] 4392475). The Peace Corps office also is on Kairaba Avenue near the embassy. (Tel. [220] 4392466). The international mailing address for the embassy is American Embassy, PMB 19, Kairaba Avenue, Banjul, The Gambia.
TRAVEL AND BUSINESS INFORMATION The U.S. Department of State's Consular Information Program advises Americans traveling and residing abroad through Consular Information Sheets, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings. Consular Information Sheets exist for all countries and include information on entry and exit requirements, currency regulations, health conditions, safety and security, crime, political disturbances, and the addresses of the U.S. embassies and consulates abroad. Public Announcements are issued to disseminate information quickly about terrorist threats and other relatively short-term conditions overseas that pose significant risks to the security of American travelers. Travel Warnings are issued when the State Department recommends that Americans avoid travel to a certain country because the situation is dangerous or unstable.
For the latest security information, Americans living and traveling abroad should regularly monitor the Department's Bureau of Consular Affairs Internet web site at http: // www.travel.state.gov , where the current Worldwide Caution, Public Announcements, and Travel Warnings can be found. Consular Affairs Publications, which contain information on obtaining passports and planning a safe trip abroad, are also available at http: // www.travel.state.gov . For additional information on international travel, see http: // www.usa.gov/ Citizen/Topics/Travel/International.shtml.
The Department of State encourages all U.S citizens traveling or residing abroad to register via the State Department's travel registration website or at the nearest U.S. embassy or consulate abroad. Registration will make your presence and whereabouts known in case it is necessary to contact you in an emergency and will enable you to receive up-to-date information on security conditions.
Emergency information concerning Americans traveling abroad may be obtained by calling 1-888-407-4747 toll free in the U.S. and Canada or the regular toll line 1-202-501-4444 for callers outside the U.S. and Canada.
The National Passport Information Center (NPIC) is the U.S. Department of State's single, centralized public contact center for U.S. passport information. Telephone: 1-877-4USA-PPT (1-877-487-2778). Customer service representatives and operators for TDD/TTY are available Monday-Friday, 7: 00 a.m. to 12: 00 midnight, Eastern Time, excluding federal holidays.
Travelers can check the latest health information with the U.S. Centers for Disease Control and Prevention in Atlanta, Georgia. A hotline at 877-FYI-TRIP (877-394-8747) and a web site at http: //wwwn.cdc.gov/travel/default.aspx give the most recent health advisories, immunization recommendations or requirements, and advice on food and drinking water safety for regions and countries. A booklet entitled "Health Information for International Travel" (HHS publication number CDC-95-8280) is available from the U.S. Government Printing Office, Washington, DC 20402, tel. [phone].
Document STDP000020071210e3c700002

Emerging Markets [analysis]
by Simon Freemantle

964 words

4 December 2007

11:38 AM

All Africa

AFNWS

English

(c) 2007 AllAfrica, All Rights Reserved
Johannesburg, Dec 04, 2007 (Business Day/All Africa Global Media via COMTEX) -- AS THE year draws to a close, Africa is able to look back on a period of unprecedented economic growth, largely on the back of a seemingly unstoppable commodities boom and increased political stability throughout the continent. For foreign investors, Africa has never been as attractive. Capital flow into Africa's small stock exchanges has increased gradually, thereby increasing liquidity and raising the portfolio of the bourses. Several African countries, most notably Mauritius, Ghana and Kenya, were some of the strongest reformers on the World Bank's Ease of Doing Business index this year.
Nigeria, the powerhouse of West Africa , rode fairly successfully through its potentially tumultuous elections in March and continues to record strong growth, flowing in large part from the consolidation of the financial services sector and the ongoing clampdown on corruption and mismanagement . Under Umar Yar'Adua Nigeria is hoping for more local beneficiation in the oil sector, while simultaneously stimulating the solid minerals and natural gas sectors, two areas which have long been ignored in a country obsessed with oil. On current growth statistics Nigeria will be the third most populous country in the world by 2050, behind China and India, and a major global player, not just in the resource sector.
Other countries benefiting from the oil boom have been Mauritania, Equatorial Guinea and Angola -- which is forecast to record a gross domestic product (GDP) growth rate of over 20% this year. On the solid minerals side, Zambia continues to record strong economic growth in light of current global copper prices, increasing economic ties with China and the decay of its neighbour Zimbabwe, which has given impetus to Zambia's agricultural industry.
For many the past year was characterised by a further consolidation of China-Africa relations, with Beijing rapidly extending its economic and diplomatic ties throughout the continent. With the state-owned Industrial and Commercial Bank of China's (ICBC's) $5,6bn purchase of 20% of Standard Bank and China Development Bank's deal with Nigeria's United Bank for Africa, China has indicated that it views Africa as a long-term partner whose importance extends beyond the resources sector. With China tipped to become the number one economy in the world by 2050, Africa would do well to continue to nurture this relationship.
Other emerging market powerhouses such as India and Brazil have also expressed renewed interest in Africa, although the potential of so-called South-South economic cooperation is far from being realised. Russia, which has openly acknowledged how far behind it has fallen in the pursuit for African economic ties, seems intent on moving into the continent, with oil giant Lukoil and financial conglomerate Renaissance Capital leading the charge, mostly into West Africa. Investments into Africa from the Middle East have also been strong, with the telecommunications sector in particular attracting significant interest. South African asset and fund managers seem to be realising Africa's potential, with several of the more established companies opening sizeable Africa funds to invest in stocks and funds throughout the continent.
Apart from ongoing tensions in Somalia, Sudan, southern Chad and unrest in the Niger Delta, Africa is at peace. The feared elections in Sierra Leone went off smoothly, with opposition leader Ernest Bai Koroma and his All People's Congress winning both the parliamentary and presidential elections. African states such as Rwanda, under Paul Kagame, and Liberia, under Ellen Johnson-Sirleaf, are proving the value of sound leadership and that democracy can work on the continent.
However, these developments, while promising, pale in comparison with the work that lies ahead for African states to realise their full potential and create sustainable growth and equitable distribution of wealth throughout society. Leadership, both societal and governmental, is key to this growth. For every strong leader in Africa there remains a host of bad apples. The capital required to fuel growth in Africa exists, but is being held by too few people at the top of corrupt regimes seemingly oblivious to the plight of their people. On the issue of leadership, two key upcoming elections are the general elections in Kenya, where incumbent head of state Mwai Kibaki is facing a mounting challenge from the left-leaning Raila Odinga, and the South African ruling party's national conference, which will determine the leader, and by extension the economic direction, of the continent's hegemon come 2009.
Two other key problems which critically require attention in the coming year are those of infrastructure, which includes the crippled African power sector, and diversification of economies away from single commodity dependence. Angola's GDP growth may be amongst the highest in the world, but there is little beyond oil fuelling it, unless the Angolan government makes rapid moves to use oil revenues to stimulate the country's manufacturing, tourism, retail and services sectors -- to mention a few .
On the infrastructure side, power generation should be the number one priority for all sub-Saharan African states. Without reliable and affordable electricity there can be no manufacturing growth. Africa can take a lead in green technology, using bio-fuels, natural gas, ethanol and coal-bed methane to power itself in a world running out of answers to the pending global warming disaster.
The world seems to be waking up to Africa, and Africa is gradually realising what this means regarding its position vis-a-vis the global political economy. Capitalising on this impetus and improving the mechanisms necessary for sustained economic growth, rather than scrambling for the wealth created this year, should be the ultimate priority of African governments in 2008.
Simon Freemantle is senior business analyst at Emerging Market Focus (e-mail: [e-mail]).
Document AFNWS00020071204e3c400173

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