Declaration of the Báb



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Kitáb Panj Sha'n (Báb)


In the course of the first section of the Báb, Kitáb Panj Sha'n (the Book of Five Modes), p. 9, revealed on the sixth anniversary of His declaration, the Báb describes the night of His declaration in the language of prayer:

"In the name of God. There is no God but God. Sanctified art Thou, O God, My God. I testify that at an hour such as this, Thou hast bestowed honour and exaltation, glory and loftiness upon this night and hast sanctified it above all other nights through Thy Manifestation. This is the hour of the appearance of the Point of Bayán, Who is the sign of Thy dawning, the countenance of Thy morn of eternity, the evidence of Thy unity, the manifestation of Thy oneness, the confirmation of Thy loftiness, the signifier of Thy holiness, and the very essence of the divinity of Thy kingdom. Sanctified and exalted art Thou, that thou hast glorified this hour by creating whatsoever is within the Bayán and by decreeing the manifestation of whatsoever Thou willest. I testify and all things testify that on such a night as this I was at My house before Thy threshold when the first person [Mullá Husayn] who has tasted the sweetness of Thy love in this Ridván attained to Me. He prostrated himself before Thy effulgence in this Paradise, and with him were the Letters of the Three. At such an hour, Thou dlidst cause Me to show Myself to him. Sanctified and exalted art Thou for enabling him [Mullá Husayn] to recognize upon hearkening unto the signs of Thy guidance, and for having created in him a clear vision when I made mention of Thee. Therefore praise and gratitude be to Thee, O My God, a praise the like of which no soul hath offered in the past nor any will offer in the future, and such gratitude as none before hath offered and none will offer in the future, for the first who recognized My person, and for the recognition with which he recognized Me." From this passage it is not clear whether the three travel companions of Mullá Husayn also attained the presence of the Báb that very night, or on a later occasion.


Letter to Family from Mah-ku


Src: Resurrection and Renewal

[Letter addressed to his family while in captivity in Miaku. INBA, no. 58, 160-62., also partly cited in ZH 2.2.3-35 and facsimile in 2.64. A tauqi' (ordinance) by the Bab with a similar content is cited in Haji Husayn Quli Jadid al-Islam, Minhaj al- Talib", fi al-Radd 'ala al-Pirqa al-Halilra al-Babiya (Bombay, 1320/1902.) 101-4, which contains some extra passages. The author wrongly believes that this is part of the Bayan.]

"Nineteen days before the commencement of the revelation, he [i.e., Rashti] joined the Heavenly Host and the beginning of 1260 was the time when the secret (batin) was first revealed."


SAMB 2.06


Src: Resurrection and Renewal

[Kitab al-haramayn, cited in SAMB 2.06. This is written in Jumada al-Thani 1261/June 1845, later than Sahifat bayn al-lJaramayn. The Persian translation of SAMB (Musiyu NIkula, Mazahib-i Milal-i Mutimaddina; Tan7th-i Sayyid 'Ali Mu"ammad ma'ruf bi-Bab (Tehran,]

"In truth, the first day that the spirit descended in the heart of this slave, was the fifteenth of the month of Rabi ' al-Awwal [4 April 1844]."


INBA no. 98


Src: Resurrection and Renewal

[INBA no. 98, IV, 2.3-2.7 (2.7), also cited in Qazvini 471. This was written in Muharram 12.60/Jan.-Feb. 1844).]

"O My Lord! You instructed me on the day when I started composing this book. Verily I saw, on that night in a dream, the Holy Land [Ard al-Muqaddas. i.e., the 'Atabat] fallen in pieces and lifted in the air till it stopped in front of my house. Then afterward, news came of my teacher's death, the great, kind scholar, may God have mercy upon him."


Báb to Khadijih


From Büshihr, the Báb sent the following letter to His wife in Shiráz:

O the best of Protectors! In the Name of God, the Exalted.

My sweet life! May thou be guarded by God!

It was not because of sadness that I did not write sooner, Nor was it due to My heart being sorrowed

Nay, My hand wrote thee,

But My tears washed away the words.

God is My witness that I have been overcome with so much sorrow since our separation that it cannot be described. However, since we are all seized in the grasp of destiny, such has been decreed for us. May the Lord of the world, by the righteousness of the Five Near-Ones, ordain My return.

It is now two days since we arrived in Büshihr. The temperature is extremely hot, but the Lord of creation will protect [us]. Apparently, our ship will sail this very month. May God watch over Us, out of His mercy. At the time of departure, it was not possible to meet My esteemed mother. Therefore, kindly convey My greetings to her and ask for her prayers. Regarding the silk cloth, I will write to Bombay. I am also intent on securing a maidservant for you. God willing, that which is ordained will come to pass. Upon thee rest the peace, favors, and grace of God.


Resurrection and Renewal


OCRed but unchecked, 166-170.

The Proclamation of Shiraz

On his return to Iran, Mulla Husayn apparently was ahead of other Shaykhis, Who seemed to be still engaged in the forty-days retreat," Accompanied by his brother and his cousin, he arrived in Bushihr via Basra.92 After a short stay there, he reached Shiraz sometime in late Rabi' al- Thani or early Jumada al-Ula 1260/mid-May 1844. The others followed him shortly afterward on the same route. In Shiraz they met Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad and after recognizing his claim as the Promised One formed the first group of his disciples (later known as Huruf-I Hayy). The symbolic significance of this proclamation (izhar-i amr: lit. uttering the command) in the Babi movement cannot be overstressed. Although the nature of the Bab's claims, and probably even the purpose of it, was not yet quite clear, it is from this moment that the birth of a new revelatory cycle is celebrated by both the claimant and his believers.

Despite the numerous accounts of this germane episode, and its significance in the formation of the early Babi nucleus, the manner in which Mulla Husayn and his companions first became acquainted with Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad Is still not fully clear. The Shaykhi student quoted by Mirza Ahmad relates that when the whole party reached the outskirts of Shiraz they were received by the Abyssinian servant of Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad at Dukkan Riva, a stage two miles from Shiraz, who enquired about Mulla Husayn:

We pointed him out and the Abyssinian servant approached Mulla Husayn and stopped him, whispering certain words in his ears while he remained on his horse. We saw Mulla Husayn dismount, his attitude greatly changed. He made the servant walk ahead of him and he followed in his wake. We asked what we should do, and the servant told us to go to the Gumrul caravanserai. We followed. On reaching the caravanserai, the same servant guided us to a room.

We went in, and there we saw Multa Husayn sitting most reverently opposite a sayyid. They were engaged in a discussion. A little later both got up and went to the sayyid's house, [while] guiding us to another residence. 93

In all probability the Bab had prior knowledge of the arrival of Mulla Husayn's party, possibly through his uncle or a relative in Bushihr. This reinforces the possibility of an earlier acquaintance between the two. Hajji Mirza Jani, relating from Mulla Husayn, declares that since Mulla Husayn was previously acquainted with Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad in the 'Atabat, he "at once on reaching Shiraz sought out his abode" and was received with hospitality. 94 Hashtrudi, on the other hand, relates that, having formed a brief acquaintance in Karbala', they met again at the lectures of a religious teacher in Shiraz. There Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad gradually introduced Mulla Husayn to his claims. 95 Mulla Jalil Uriimi, who was himself present in Shiraz, informs us that the teacher was none other than Mulla Husayn himself, now holding his teaching sessions on Ahsa'is Sharh al-Ziyara in the Vakil mosque. In the course of these lectures, Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad asked Mulla Husayn, "If someone expounded better than you, what would you say?" Mulla Husayn answered, "I will obey and listen." Then Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad asked what his reaction would be if someone expounded better than Rashti and even Ahsai'i, to which Mulla Husayn gave the same reply. Then Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad presented him with some of his writings. "Immediately after reading them," recalls Uriimi, "he was overwhelmed and deeply moved. But the Bab advised him to conceal his emotions. "96

Taking into account all the confusions, it is still possible to render a relatively plausible version of the process that eventually resulted in the formation of the movement. Even if Mulla Husayn had a vague impression of Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad as a holy man, it is almost certain that he had no previous idea of finding in him the Promised One he was seeking. Their encounter was not accidental, and it seems likely that Sayyid 'Ali Muham¬mad had the intention of proclaiming his "mission," though not especially to Mulla Husayn Bushru’i.

Prior to this encounter and following his earlier dreams, Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad became more and more convinced that he was divinely inspired and that after Rashti he was to become the "locus of inspiration." He states: "Nineteen days before the commencement of the revelation, he [i.e., Rashti] joined the Heavenly Host and the beginning of 1260 was the time when the secret (batin) was first revealed.97 Sometime after, he became fully aware of these revelations. "In truth, the first day that the spirit descended in the heart of this slave, was the fifteenth of the month of Rabi ' al-Awwal [4 April 1844]."98 His image of the mission that he believed was entrusted to him is illustrated in a sermonal exordium on the commentary on Surat al-Baqara, one of his earliest works: "O My Lord! You instructed me on the day when I started composing this book. Verily I saw, on that night in a dream, the Holy Land [Ard al-Muqaddas. i.e., the 'Atabat] fallen in pieces and lifted in the air till it stopped in front of my house. Then afterward, news came of my teacher's death, the great, kind scholar, may God have mercy upon him."99 This symbolic dream not only alludes to the new claims of the Bab by the announcement of the Rashti's death, but also hints at the termination of the 'Atabat era, which in the Bab's view is concurrent with the commencement of the new dispensation.

First with allegorical remarks, then with greater clarity the Bab announced his claim to Mulla Husayn. His manner, words, and writings during their conversations conveyed an inner conviction especially appealing to the Shaykhi scholar. The spirit of messianic anticipation that prevailed over the claimant as well as the prospective convert became explicit when Mulla Husayn conversed at length with Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad in his house. First the Bab asked him: "Do not you Shaykhis believe that someone must take the place occupied by the late Sayyid Kazim? Five months have now elapsed since his death. Whom do you now recognize as your Master [of the Command (Sahih-i Amr)]?" "As yet," Mulla Husayn replied, "we have recognized no one." "What manner of man," asked he, "must the Master be?" Thereupon Mulla Husayn enumerated some requisite qualifi-cations and characteristics. "Do you observe these in me?" the Bab asked bluntly. Mulla Husayn gave a negative reply: "I see in you none of these qualities." Later in the same meeting, Mulla Husayn observed a commentary of Surat al-Baqara on the shelf. When he inquired about the author, Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad said merely, "A mere youthful beginner who nevertheless lays claim to a high degree of knowledge and greatness. "100

This exchange set up an inner struggle in Mulla Husayn that lasted for several days. He was fascinated by his host; but he saw before him "a youthful merchant" whose theological training did not measure up to his claim that he had written a commentary on Surat al-Baqara, in which he expounded "the inmost of the inmost."101 Obviously, in no way could an instant conversion have taken place, as some sources suggest. Mulls Husayn later attributed his inner crisis to the persistence of scholastic values, confessing that his insistence on the traditional conditions set by the Shi'ite prophecies led him to dispute with the Bab. His friend Aqa Sayyid Mu'min Khurasani relates:

One day in the presence of the Bab al-Bab [Mulla Husayn's later title] in Khurasan [probably Mashhad], we were passing a madrasa. He looked at the school and recited this verse: "Not one warm-hearted man [ahl-i dil] has ever come out of a madrasa. Down with these schools which are houses of ignorance." I said, "By the Grace of God, eminent individuals like yourself have come out of these schools, why are you condemning them?" He replied, "Do not say that, Sayyid Mu'min, all that I ever learned in these wretched places was to make me argue with and oppose the Proof of God for forty days. I realized the meaning of the saying 'knowledge is the greatest veil' through the fruits of this ruined place. I wish I had no education." 102

Contempt for scholastic values and denial of the years he believed he had wasted in madrasas demonstrate Mulla Husayn's revolutionary spirit at its best. The same madrasa values had tormented him over the question of Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad's claims, though the duration of his argument with the Bab may be exaggerated. In the course of the Tabarsi upheaval (I264-1265/1848-1849), Mulla Husayn stated: "I wish my steps had never reached the madrasa, so I would never have bothered the Proof of God for three days and nights. " 103

His inner conflict over the Bab's legitimacy gradually resolved itself to full conversion. One of his companions recalled: "We could see that there was some difference between the Sayyid [the Bab] and Mulla Husayn; but at every subsequent meeting Mulla Husayn showed more respect and loyalty [to the Sayyid] than on the previous occasion." 104 After his first few meetings with the Bab, Mulla Husayn reported to his friends: "I have not satisfied my mind completely. We must hold several other conversations; and I must obtain full discernment, for the matter of religion is a difficult one." 105 Mulla Jalil Uriimi adds that Mulla Husayn "could not sleep the whole night for his inner struggle and mental occupation." 106

After overcoming these uncertainties, perhaps as soon as three days later, Mulla Husayn finally recognized the Bab and became his First Believer. All the sources agree with the Bab that it was on the night of 5 Jurnada al-Ula 1260/22 May 1844 that Mulla Husayn fully accepted Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad's claim. 107 Perhaps nowhere in the course of their history is the collective nature of the Babis' messianic undertaking better highlighted than in this very recognition. It is not the moment of the Bab's first inspiration but his covenant with the First Believer that registers the birth of a new dispensation.

90 See above, chap. 3.

91 Qatil 511

92 Ibid.; cf Nabil 51

93 Ahmad 448 n. For the Gumruk caravanserai see Fars namih II, 146, and Binning I, 285. They were presumably directed to Sayyid 'Ali Muhammad's office.

94 NH 34.

95 Mu’in 56-57.

96 Qazvini 472.. There is a certain degree of discrepancy in the sources over the proclamation of the Bab, thanks at least party to the secrecy throughout the early stages. Some later sources give a supernatural sense to their accounts to make it more comparable to the traditional concept of prophetical revelation. Nabil (52.), for instance, maintains that Mulla Husayn met the Bab only accidentally outside the city gates on the afternoon of 5 Jumidi al-Ula/n22May, implying that an element of providential will was involved. Nearly all the available materials on the Shiraz proclamation are based on seven primary sources ; (I) Mulla Husayn -> 'Abd al-Wahhab Khurasani -> Haji Mirza Jani-> -> NH (but not in NK (2.) MuIIa Husayn -> Mirza Ahmad Qazvini -> Nabil; (3) Mulla Husayn (?) -> Mulla Huammad Taqi Hashtrudi -> Mu'in; (4) Mulli Hasan Bajistini -> Ahmad; (5) Mulla Jalil Urumi -> Qazvini; (6) QatJ1; (7) the writings of the Bab. While (I) and (2.) quote directly from Mulla Husayn; (3), (4), (s), and (6) are partly based on his account; (7) provides only scattered references.

97 Letter addressed to his family while in captivity in Miaku. INBA, no. 58, 160-62., also partly cited in ZH 2.2.3-35 and facsimile in 2.64. A tauqi' (ordinance) by the Bab with a similar content is cited in Haji Husayn Quli Jadid al-Islam, Minhaj al- Talib", fi al-Radd 'ala al-Pirqa al-Halilra al-Babiya (Bombay, 1320/1902.) 101-4, which contains some extra passages. The author wrongly believes that this is part of the Bayan.

98 Kitab al-haramayn, cited in SAMB 2.06. This is written in Jumada al-Thani 1261/June 1845, later than Sahifat bayn al-lJaramayn. The Persian translation of SAMB (Musiyu NIkula, Mazahib-i Milal-i Mutimaddina; Tan7th-i Sayyid 'Ali Mu"ammad ma'ruf bi-Bab (Tehran, 132.2. Sh.T1943) trans. 'ayn.mim.fa. ('Ali Muhammad Farahvashi), 210 n., quotes the original pas=sage in Arabic.

99. INBA no. 98, IV, 2.3-2.7 (2.7), also cited in Qazvini 471. This was written in Muharram 12.60/Jan.-Feb. 1844).

100 NH 35.

101 1bid. 35-37. For the use of this term in Shaykhi doctrine see Ahsa'i Sharh, al-Ziyara III, 258-59•

102 Mu’in 62.-63•

103 Account given by Waraqat aI-Firdaus, Mulli Husayn's sister, relating It from Aqa (Mulli) Mubammad Hasan Bushrii'i, one of the survivors (Baqiyat al-Sayf: the Remnants of the Sword) in Tabarsi cited in Fu’adi, 28

104 Ahmad 448-49 n.

105 ibid.

106 Qazwini 472



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