Large Housing Estates in the Netherlands

UK

In the Tower Hamlets estates in London, the police are involved in community issues, attend the Neighbourhood Renewal Local Area Partnership meetings and offer workshops about the dangers and implications of people carrying knives and guns to local children. The Poplar HARCA estate has an active zero tolerance policy for persistent anti-social behaviour. Furthermore, closed circuit televisions (CCTV) have been installed in a number of streets and several projects try to reach young people, for example through social and sports activities (Hall et al., 2004, pp. 62, 63).

In the Central Estates in Birmingham, neighbourhood wardens were employed and CCTV cameras have been installed throughout the area. In the Hodge Hill estate a community safety bureau has been established to deal with, among other things, Neighbourhood Watch schemes. The Hodge Hill Ward Advisory Board has set its priorities after consultation with residents as being: “improved street lighting, improving youth facilities, reducing crime and anti social behaviour, dealing with traffic issues, improving service on streets such as litter, pavements and verges, using CCTV and installing security gates. In order to tackle these issues Hodge Hill has been awarded money from the government’s Neighbourhood Renewal Fund” (Hall et al., 2004, pp. 63, 64).

Slovenia

In the Fužine estate the safety programmes are mainly directed at educating people with regard to criminal activities and violence. Also, the police are present on the streets and the local police officer is well-known among the residents. He often comes to the neighbourhood; he knows many family backgrounds and the social problems of the potential and actual offenders. He often applies softer approaches and not only restrictive measures. The safety of the paths to and from schools and safety in schools is also ensured by the City of Ljubljana (Černič Mali et al., 2005, p. 56).

The research however shows the safety situation in large housing estates to be worse in the two East European countries.

Poland

The survey revealed that safety represents of the most problematic issues in Polish estates. The situation was found to be especially worrying in the Wrzeciono where feelings of insecurity greatly negatively influence the overall perception of the estate. More than half of the respondents from the Wrzeciono estate and more than one-third of the respondents from the Ursynów estate do not feel safe in their neighbourhoods. In addition to the age correlation (older people feel less safe that younger ones) it was found that the period of living in the estate also had an influence on the sense of safety of an individual. According to the respondents the well known and recognisable inhabitants are assured security in the estate because of the prevailing rule that “if you are one of us you will not be bothered” (Węcławowicz et al., 2005, p. 44).

In the Wrzeciono estate the safety situation was found to be worse evenings and nights. Respondents perceived as a danger groups of young people hanging around who vandalise public places: staircases, benches, cellars, playgrounds etc. Youths also drink alcohol in public places, leave bottles under the benches and in sandpits. Almost 80 per cent of the Wrzeciono estate respondents and almost 70 per cent of the Ursynów estate respondents pointed out that vandalism and graffiti are growing problems in their estates.

This has resulted in public spaces, such as playgrounds, which were designed for recreational purposes being taken over by youths where they frequently gather and behave in a socially unacceptable manner. Therefore, these places, instead of integrating residents in their living environment, often play a reversed role because they become hot spots contributing to conflicts between younger and older generations. This situation is identical to the situation described in the introduction to the paper whereby domination and intimidation by a particular user group leads to a lack of safety and forces the withdrawal of the more vulnerable groups from public areas and from engagement with others (Madanipour, 2004).

In order to increase the level of safety in the estates, the Warsaw City Office launched the citywide program called “Warsaw’s Safety Map”. The program embraced all Warsaw’s districts including Ursynów and Wrzeciono estates. One of the objectives of the program is identification of the unsafe places in the districts. As a result of the meetings and consultations with police officers, the list of the unsafe areas was prepared and reinforced police patrols were directed to these places. Also bike and mounted-patrols of police were implemented in Ursynów and Wrzeciono estates. CCTV systems have also been introduced and these activities have already led to significant improvements in the safety level (Węcławowicz et al., 2004, pp. 33, 34).
Hungary

Most of the people interviewed during the survey stated that there was no overall serious problem with public safety. But those whose jobs enable gave them a better overview (a member of the General Assembly, a social politician) do have more detailed and slightly different picture. There are some burglaries and robberies and car thefts both at night and by day. The local police station for the estate was closed down three years ago and there are no plans to reopen it. A police car goes round the estate every morning, but there are no patrols inside the estate, although there are many hiding places that ought to be checked. Vandalism in the buildings and public spaces is a constant problem and, as a politician interviewed pointed out, is becoming more and more frequent. A few years ago there was blatant drug abuse on the estate, but that seems to have diminished, possibly because other age groups moved in, or simply because the problem is now better concealed (other drugs, other places, stricter control). Many people emphasised the significant role of the inhabitants of the Bachelors’ House with respect to the level of criminality; while that may well be the case, anxiety may be over-exaggerated (Erdösi et al., 2003, p. 74).

The improvement of safety in public areas is one of the most important policy objectives in the Havanna estate. First of all, a CCTV system was installed aiming at improving security on public spaces, especially around the buildings. There was, however an unexpected negative spill-over effect, namely the relocation of criminal activity to other parts of the district. People believe that there are huge ‘blind spots’ unattainable to the cameras, and criminals know exactly their location. The residents are of the opinion that the system should have been planned more comprehensively and accompanied by additional measures, such as more frequent police patrols. It is argued that the effectiveness of the camera system is largely based on the people, who watch the cameras and the policemen on the streets who may be activated in case any criminal actions observed (Erdösi et al., 2003, p. 50).

9 Development policy
In the majority of the research housing estates current policies and programmes focus mainly on the physical renewal of the residential buildings and less on the regeneration and improvement of public space. In some of the estates, notably in the Bijlmer, physical renewal involves the complete structure of the district. In the Bijlmer, the traffic structure will be radically altered. The open, mostly green space, originally 80 per cent of the area, will be redesigned and reduced in extent. Elevated streets for the single use of cars will – literally – be brought down and parking garages demolished, and adding bike lanes and pavements to the car roads that have been brought down, will partly alter the separation of functions within traffic. This is a major project, but is also criticised for not being implemented in a consistent way or for lacking the right "sense of scale" (Aalbers et al., 2004, p. 43).

Smaller projects focusing on the housing environment can also make a difference. In the Kanaleneiland estate in Utrecht de ‘Buurt aan Zet’ [Neighbourhoods’ Turn] programme facilitated a project initiated by the housing association and the neighbourhood centre. The focus of this project was the embellishment of several semi-public gardens in the neighbourhood: “Lighting has been improved, the lay-out has been changed, the rubbish has been taken care of and several gardens have been closed off for strangers” (Aalbers et al., 2004, p. 56). Embellishment of the public park in the Kanaleneiland neighbourhood is also part of the programme: ‘The park should be cleaned and renewed in order to improve safety and to be able to cluster several public services (e.g. a pavilion, an educational garden, a recreation ground, the city’s children’s farm, the schools’ working gardens, a skating square and childcare). A large meadow is made appropriate for events as well. The city management department is the responsible local department. In order to increase the involvement of residents with their living environment, social work is involved too’ (Aalbers et al., 2004, p. 56).

Next to physical renewal plans, social renewal plans may also have their impact on the use and perception of public space in the estates. Where ‘problematic’ high-rise housing has not been replaced by low-rise housing, ‘flat guards’ have sometimes been installed. They are supposed to overlook semi-public spaces because these are often considered unsafe and uncomfortable. In the public spaces surrounding the blocks of flats, supervision and control is often also extended. Sometimes, surveillance by cameras was introduced next to ‘human’ surveillance by estate residents, private security and local police. In the Bijlmer, the approach seems to work: in and around the guarded estates people feel safer, vandalism declined, (semi-) public space is cleaner, nuisance by drug users declined, the number of robberies declined and there is less garbage laying around the buildings (Aalbers et al., 2003, pp. 80, 82).

Among the main policy objectives of the cities of Amsterdam and Utrecht for which the national government supplies funds are: (1) an increase in resident satisfaction with regard to the housing environment, green and public space as well as a decrease in indicators of degeneration and physical decay; and (2), an increase in the social quality of the housing environment (Aalbers et al., 2004).

The major visible activity of the Urban Regeneration Programme in Berlin is the demolition of about 350,000 apartments in large housing estates as well as in 19th century inner-city housing and the re-qualification of public space (Droste and Knorr-Siedow, 2004, p. 45). The QuartiersAgentur [NeighbourhoodAgency] is “the core initiator, mediator and promoter for many multi-targeted projects to re-design public space and greenery and to enhance social cohesion in public space. A special emphasis is on children- and youth projects. These include the organization of cultural events and festivals to promote intercultural contact and community spirit” (Droste and Knorr-Siedow, 2004, p. 37). In the Marzahn estate, “The public housing company has engaged in school contracts, supporting local schools and inviting the schools to take part in enhancing the public space and gardens. The aim is to raise awareness for the housing environment as an important factor of the quality of everyday life” (Droste and Knorr-Siedow, 2004, p. 64).

In the UK, the Urban Housing Renewal Unit (UHRU) was established to tackle the ‘crisis of confidence’ in many local authority estates. Following the UHRU initiative, the Estate Action (EA) programme was launched, aiming at (DoE, 1996; Hall et al., 2004, p. 18):

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  provision of defensible space;
  
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  external improvements to dwellings;
  
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  security measures (e.g. concierge schemes);
  
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  environmental improvements including estate layout;
  
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  improved heating and insulation.
  

The programme sought to restructure estates by (Hall et al., 2004, p.19):

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  dividing large blocks into smaller self-contained units;
  
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  separating entrances;
  
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  removing semi-public space;
  
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  controlling and channelling traffic and pedestrians;
  
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  eliminating non-residential facilities.
  

In France, the renewal projects proposed in Cerisier in the Les Minguettes estate include the qualification of the roadway system, the relocation of some parking areas, as well as the re-qualification of the green public space. Approximately 90 new dwellings will be built on the green area of the Cerisier. This of course will lead to the devaluation and fragmentation of the green area, resulting in the destruction of the quality of the environment that is presently so highly appreciated by the inhabitants (Trigueiro, 2005). The project of urban renewal for Armstrong in the Les Minguettes estate comprises the demolition of three central towers and the creation of 4 residential units, which are separated by a new grid of streets and pedestrian malls, as well as a new structure for the public spaces, divided in four different and defined spaces. The existing building environment will be renewed and reintegrated to the four new 'residential islands'. The spaces around the housing residences will also have a new treatment and a new gathering place for young people will be created in the district (Trigueiro, 2005).

In the district of Les Semailles in the La Nouvelle Ville estate the main renewal objectives are the re-qualification of the public spaces located in the centre of the estate. The project aims at reshaping a large green space, a public square and a parking place. These spaces will be accessible by a pedestrian road connecting the public spaces to the two major streets leading to the estate (Commerçon et al., 2004, p. 20).

Among the East and Central European countries, the greatest effort towards the renewal and improvement of public space has been made in the two Hungarian estates, especially in Jósaváros. Although most of the policies regarding environmental renewal in the estate are in their infancy, there are already results to be seen. Renewal programmes include the concept to create small gardens in front of the huge buildings, thereby forming a semi-public space for the inhabitants (Szemző et al., 2004). In addition to improving the appearance of external space, the creation and maintenance of the tiny gardens in front of the houses also aims at promoting public participation and a greater sense of belonging. Residents are also invited to participate in different local competitions sponsoring activities intended to create a better environment.

10 Conclusion
It must be stressed, once again, that this paper is based on the material available in the reports produced on the general situation in the RESTATE case study estates. As the research did not focus particularly on public space, some issues received more attention in certain estates and less in others, depending on the importance of specific issues within the context of a broad investigation of the general situation in large housing estates. As such the discussion above has, inevitably, addressed certain issues in greater detail in some estates while making less reference or none at all to other estates. It must be realised, however, that failure to mention some of the case study housing estates when discussing a particular public space aspect does not necessarily mean that the particular aspect is not important or even problematic in some of these estates. Under the circumstances the research material on which this paper is based does not enable us to make consistent comparative analyses of all public space issues in all the research estates. In view of these limitations, we make no attempt at drawing any general conclusions that would apply to all the research estates.

Certain observations may, nonetheless, be made. Public spaces are undoubtedly a major factor in establishing good environmental quality for a community in all large housing estates. The research findings clearly show that in the neighbourhoods where appropriate public spaces are provided, the residents attach great value to them and consider them to be one of the most positive aspects of their residential environment. In addition to the green areas, playgrounds, parks and gardens within estate boundaries residents equally appreciate the presence of natural vegetation and other natural features adjacent to or in the vicinity of their estate.

It has also been found that the presence of public space or abundance of greenery alone is not enough to guarantee inhabitant satisfaction. Public space design and its equipment constitute major factors that considerably influence people’s experiences and use of public space. While the inhabitants of the Cerisier district (Lyon) greatly appreciated the absence of benches and children’s playgrounds in the green area, it was found that these public places are used solely as transit areas and people do not remain very long in them. This is the result of the complete absence of the essential architectural elements, which are required in order to make spaces accessible and welcoming.

Equally important in this regard is the appropriate maintenance of public space. Unattended, overgrown, or littered public spaces with broken or vandalised furniture cannot be attractive to users. If allowed to continue for a longer period, lack of maintenance may turn from neglect, to dereliction and eventually lead to the degradation of the residential environment. In some of the research estates, the problems of maintenance of public space have been found to be linked either to disputes over land ownership or to ‘imaginary’ organisational and management ambiguities. In either case, the actors involved aim at devolving themselves of the responsibility of maintenance. In other research estates, the maintenance problem appears in the form of institutional competition for public space whereby the ultimate objective is to gain control of ‘spare’ land, which may then be exploited for profitable purposes. This, of course, means the reduction of available public space and may lead to the devaluation of the quality of the residential environment.

In a research of this nature, it may be quite tempting to identify differences between West European countries on the one hand and East and Central European countries on the other. Neither the RESTATE project nor the discussion hereof aims to do that. It may, nonetheless, be argued that parking certainly presents a very huge problem in all the East and Central European research estates while it was barely mentioned in the research estates of West European countries. This is primarily the consequence of modest, inappropriate planning standards that were applied at the time of construction of large housing estates in the former socialist countries. Inadequate parking facilities and the related traffic management problems within these estates undoubtedly present tremendous problems to which most of the estates cannot find efficient solutions. While the situation in many estates is already chaotic, the number of private cars is steadily increasing thus making matters worse. This is increasing the pressure on available public space, with many residents solving their parking needs on any space nearest to their flat, be it the pavement or green area.

There is not much evidence of the desirable intergenerational interaction that is expected to take place in public spaces. This may be an indication that most public spaces are designed in such a way as does not provide mutual support for children, the youth and adults and, as such, does not encourage intergenerational socialisation. On the contrary, many estates experience intergenerational conflicts resulting mainly from the absence of appropriately planned and organised facilities for the satisfaction of the basic needs of the various categories of users. In the case of young people, who usually represent the strongest user-group of public space, most of the conflicts arise from the failure to recognise the specificity of the nature of activities and the public space requirements of this category of inhabitants. Most of the drug-related problems and safety issues in many estates also need to be considered and dealt with within this context.

A variety of policies and programmes relating to the management and development of public spaces in housing estates may be identified. Some of these aim at improving the quality of public space and creating a better image of the estate; some seek to achieve better public space maintenance practices; some have introduced measures for increasing safety in public areas; some are intended to generate additional housing capacities, thereby reducing the size of the existing public space; and a few have attempted to encourage greater inhabitant involvement in the management and maintenance of public space. Ensuring true public participation however, continues to remain more of a rhetorical political jargon than a sincere development-planning objective.
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