Moving along the grammaticalisation path: locative and allative marking of non-finite clauses and secondary predications in australian languages

4.1 Gurindji (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan)

Gurindji has all the types AN, LS and AS as noted and illustrated above in section 2. It is not a switch-reference system, as it uses LOC to mark subordinate clauses where there are no coreferential arguments as in (12): in this case the subject of the subordinate clause is marked LOC.

(12) Ngayi-ny-ja wart-ta ngu=n yuwa-rru wajarra

me-DAT-LOC come_back-LOC CAT=2sgS put-FUT play

‘You will put on a corroboree when I get back’
ALL marking on the non-finite verb or coverb forms and objects is also found where the controller is an indirect object as in (13).
(13) IO = A

Ngu=rla paka-p -karra ma-rni yalu-wu-ma muk-jirri

CAT=IO challenge-ACT-MANN say-PAST that-DAT-TOPIC be_silent-ALL

‘He challenged that (man) but he (the man) stayed silent’
The Allative alternative is very common with other oblique functions as controllers e.g. (14).
(14) Comitative (DAT-LOC)=A

Ngu=rna-rla Jangala-wu-nyja karr-inyan-i kurrupartu-yirri pirrka-p-jirri

CAT=1sgS-IO J.-DAT-LOC be-IMPF-PAST boom.-erang-ALL

pirrka-p-jirri

make-ACT-ALL

‘I was sitting with Jangala while he made a boomerang’

Conversion Use of ALL instead of LOC under object/oblique control (the AN construction) is optional, although more common than LOC. There is some evidence that the spatial location of the subject entity does have some bearing on the choice here (and also in the AS subordination), with ALL being preferred in the case where the subject and object/oblique are perceived as being in different locations, but the distinction is not so clear-cut as in some other languages to be reviewed below. In addition to LOC and ALL marking of subordinate clauses, Gurindji can optionally mark a clause with the ERG case-suffix instead of LOC if the subordinate subject is coreferential to a main clause transitive subject. This ERG marking possibility bears a resemblance to the ‘double marking’ discussed above, where there is a kind of ‘case agreement’ between the subject of the main clause and the subject of the non-finite verb form (or in these examples, coverb)

4.2 Jaru (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan)

In the Kimberleys and Pilbara, Pama-Nyungan languages of the Ngumpin-Yapa and Marrngu sub-groups have LOC marked subordination (LS) but no switch to ALL under object control either in nominals or subordinate clauses (neither AN nor AS).

The exception is in Jaru in the east where the AS pattern described above for the closely related and neighbouring language Gurindji is marginal and may be specialized for situations of motion. Tsunoda (1981:173) states that in this construction "The agent [subject of transitive or intransitive clause] of the gerund phrase is identical with D[irect]O[bject] (rather than Subject) of the matrix sentence whether the gerund phrase is reduced from a transitive sentence or an intransitive sentence." That is, there is LOC subordination on the verb involving the object of the matrix clause, not the subject, and there is normally no shift to ALL under object control.
(15) Ngumbirr-u mawun nyang-an yan-u-ngga.⁹

woman-ERG man see-PRES walk-NFIN-LOC

‘A woman sees a man walking’ (ex. 296, p.173)
(16) Ngumbirr-u mawun nyang-an ngaba-ngga ngarn-u-ngga.

woman-ERG man see-PRES water-LOC drink-NFIN-LOC

‘A woman sees a man drinking water’. (ex. 299, p.173)
However Tsunoda does say (1981:174) ‘in a few instances a gerund phrase is allative rather than locative’ and suggests (1981:175) that in such cases ‘agents of the gerunds [non-finite verb forms] are moving’. (17) and (18) illustrate the Allative type.

(17) Mawun-du nga=yi luwarn-i yan-u-nggawu

man-ERG CAT=1sgO shoot-PAST walk-NFIN-ALL

‘A man shot me while I was walking’. (ex.307 p.174)

(18) Nga=anunggula dilygurr yaan-i ganydjurra wana gang-u-nggawu¹⁰

CAT=3plLOC shoot do-PAST down roll take-NFIN-ALL

‘He shot (the rifle) down at them as/when they were rolling (Spinifex grass)
As in Gurindji, coverbs (or at least some of them) can occur in non-finite subordination without the accompanying inflected verb gerunds. On coverbs, it seems that simultaneous action is expressed by -gu+LOC if the Object is the controller, and gu+ERG if the Subject is the controller.¹¹
(19) Mawun-du yambagina nyang-an yud-gu-la

man-ERG child see-PRES sitting-gu-LOC

‘A man sees a child sitting’ (ex.373 p.192)
(20) Mawun-du yambagina nyang-an yud-gu-lu

man-ERG child see-PRES sitting-gu-ERG

‘A man, while sitting, sees a child’ (ex.373 p.192)
There is no indication of the AN pattern in nominals, or of double case-marking in Jaru.

4.3 Warlpiri (Ngumpin-Yapa, Pama-Nyungan)

In Warlpiri the plain LOC is often used for location of objects which have no explicit case-marking (i.e. Absolutive case).

(21) Manu kala-lu-nyanu karnta-ngku+ju ngapa+ju ka-nyi kartaku-rla

and USIT-3pl-REFL woman-ERG+EU water+EU carry-NPST bucket-LOC

jalangujalangu-rlu+ju

today-ERG+EU

‘And nowadays women carry water for themselves in buckets’ [written text, Nyurruwiyi kuja kalalu malikikirlirli]
If the object has Dative case, then double case-marking LOC+DAT is used, as in (22).
Modifying DATIVE argument

(22) Ngula=rla rdipi-ja janganpa-ku wilypiri-rla-ku.

then=3DAT meet-PAST possum-DAT tree_hollow-LOC-DAT

‘He came across a possum in a hollow in a tree’ [written text, Yarlpurrurlangukurlu]

This contrasts with specifying the location of the subject by double case-marking with Ergative (Hale 1982). In example (23) the subject is on the bank, but the object (tadpoles) are in the water.
Modifying ERGATIVE argument

(23) Kalwa-ngku ka-rla jirri-ki pirntinyarra-rla-rlu

crane-ERG PRES-IO tadpole-DAT bank-LOC-ERG

jaala-nya-nyi.

up.and.down-seek-NPST

‘The crane looks for tadpoles up and down the bank’ [Warlpiri dictionary jaala-nyanyi, modified from Hale 1966 notes p.590]
Location of the event is often done by the plain LOC. However, the ALL is also found for location of the object (the AN construction), as in the following example in which the object (a lizard) is on the fire.
(24) Warlu-kurra-ji wita-kurra-yijala ka-rnalu purra

fire-ALL-EU small-ALL-also PRES-1eplS cook.NPST

wardapi-piya-yijala.

sand.monitor-like-also

‘We cook it on a small fire as we do with the sand monitor as well’. [HN:1681-2]
What conditions the choice or whether it just reflects dialect variation is not known.
AS and LS are both attested in Warlpiri, but they occupy different places in the elaborate system of subordinate clauses headed by nominalised verbs marked with different case-markers and complementiser suffixes (Hale 1982, Simpson 1988, 1991, Laughren 1992, Hale et al 1996).
The LOC is used for subordinate non-finite clauses of prior action under subject control ("after doing X").
(25) Purra-nja-rla kala rdipi-ja

cook-NFIN-LOC PASTCOMP set_off-PAST

wirrkardu-ku-warnu ngurra-ku-warnu

several-FREQ-ASSOC camp-FREQ-ASSOC

‘Having cooked it, he set off again after several days’ (Hale et al 1996)
There is no contrasting non-finite form for prior action by controllers other than the subject.
The ALL is used for subordinate non-finite clauses of simultaneous action under object control ("while doing X").
(267) Wati-ngki marlu nya-ngu nguna-nja-kurra.

man-ERG kangaroo see-PAST lie-NFIN-ALL

‘The man saw the kangaroo while it was lying down’. (Hale et al 1996)
ALL in this subordinative use forms a system with three other suffixes, also expressing simultaneous action but differing as to whether the controller is the subject (a complementiser suffix -karra), the subject in a reflexive construction (a suffix identical with the Comitative -rlajinta, which is built on the LOC), or whether the controller is an adjunct or overtly present (a complementiser suffix -rlarni which is built on the LOC) .