Oxford history of the christian church

Footnotes.

^1	The word 'icon' (ει+̂κω+̂ν), or 'image', is used here, as by the Byzantines in its widest sense, i.e. as a representation in the round or flat in any medium.
^2	See S. Gero, “The True Image of Christ: Eusebius” Letter to Constantia Reconsidered', JTS, n.s., 32 (1980), 460-70; cf. also Kitzinger, 'Cult', 93, note 28, where this question of authenticity is discussed.
^3	Cited by Kitzinger, op. cit99.
^4	See Kitzinger, op. cit.103 ff. for further references; S. Runciman, “Some remarks on the Image of Edessa,” Cambridge Historical Journal, 3 (1931), 238 ff.
^5	Hypatius of Ephesus, bk. I, ch. 5, cited by N. H. Baynes, “The Icons before Iconoclasm,” Harvard Theological Review, 44 (1951), 94-5. A fragment of Hypatius, Diverse Questions, bk. I, ch. 5, is preserved in the Paris codex gr. 1115 and printed by A. Diekamp, Analecta Patristica (= OCA 117, 1938), 127-9 . Part of the same fragment is cited by Theodore Studites, Ep., bk. II, no. 171, PG99, col. 1537.
^6	Cited by Baynes, op. cit.94.
^7	Mansi, XI. 977-980; Joannou, Discipline générale I, 218-20 (with Latin and French trans.).
^8	For instance Sophronius tells how the Alexandrian monophysites venerated an icon of the Theotokos, and Severus in his sermon (which survives in the Syriac) only condemns the impropriety of representing the archangel Michael in the insignia of a praetorian prefect. I am grateful to Henry Chadwick for drawing my attention to this evidence. See also H. Chadwick, “John Moschus and his friend Sophronius the Sophist,” JTS, n.s., 25 (1974), 67, note 3, and S. Brock ' “Iconoclasm and the Monophysites” in Iconoclasm, 53-7.
^9	See especially Gero, Leo III and id., Constantine V.
^10	See Gero, Leo III, 141-2.
^11	Theophanes, I.391, 6-8; cf. Gero, Leo III, 25 ff.
^12	Theophanes, I.402.
^13	See Gero, Leo III, 81 ff.
^14	See O. Grabar, “Islamic Art and Byzantium” DOP, 18 (1964), 83-4, note 40; Lemerle, Humanisme byzantine,31 ff.; Gero, Leo III, 59 ff.
^15	Stein, Der Beginn, pp. 262 ff., thinks it was anonymous, probably written between 730 and 754. Germanus I was Patriarch of Constantinople 715-30.
^16	De Imaginibus, Oratio I, ed. Kotter, III, and PG94, col. 1236 D.
^17	Mansi, XIII. 197 ff.; Gero, Leo III, 67; Hefele, III (2), 770.
^18	Mansi XIII, 100 B-128 A; Gero, Leo III, 87 ff., Stein dates these between 726 and 730.
^19	PG98, col. 77 A; Stein challenges Germanus's authorship, see Der Beginn, App. I, pp. 262-8.
^20	PG98, col. 77 B.
^21	Theophanes, I.404, 3-4.
^22	See M. V. Anastos, “Leo III's Edict against the Images in the year 726-727 . . .,” Byzantinische Forschungen, 3 (1968, reprinted Variorum, 1979), 5-41 and Gero, Leo III, 106, note 55.
^23	Thus argues Gero, Leo III, 113ff, but this date is questioned by L. Lamza, Patriarch Germanos I (Würzburg, 1975), p. 178f.
^24	Mansi, XIII. 356 CD; Theophanes, I.427 f.; Nouthesia, ed. M. B. Melioransky, “Georgii Kiprianin i Ioann Ierusalimlianin, dva maloizvestnych bortsa za pravoslavie v VIII v.” ('Two little-known champions of Orthodoxy in the eighth century'), Zapiski Istor.-Filolog. Fak. Imp. S. Peterburgskago Univ. 59 (1901).
^25	Mansi, XIII. 204-364; Percival, Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, 14, gives only a brief summary of what are described as the 'verbose' proceedings of Nicaea II. Mendham translates almost the whole of Nicaea II (with occasional inaccuracies; he left out for instance lists of bishops).
^26	See M. V. Anastos, “The Argument for Iconoclasm as presented by the Iconoclastic Council of 754” Studies in Honour of A. M. Friend (Princeton, NJ, 1955, reprinted Variorum, London, 1979), 177-88, with trans. of Anathemas 8-20 and the closing acclamations.
^27	See M. V. Anastos “The Ethical Theory of Images formulated by the Iconoclasts in 754 and 815,” DOP, 4 (1954, reprinted Variorum, London, 1979), 151-60.
^28	See Ostrogorsky, Studien, and Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus.
^29	PG 95, cols. 309-44. This exists in two versions, the longer one written after Constantine V's death, presumably before 787 as there is no reference in it to the condemnation of iconoclasm; see Gero, Leo III, 13 and 62 ff.
^30	Cf. P. Crone, “Islam, Judeo-Christianity and Byzantine Iconoclasm,” Jerusalem Studies in Arabic and Islam, 2 (1980), 59-95 (to the present writer not altogether convincing).
^31	Cf. Speck, Konstantin VI, 108 ff.
^32	Theophanes, I. 458.
^33	DR341 (29 August 784) and 343 (second letter after Tarasius' consecration).
^34	GR351-2.
^35	GR351 (exact date unknown but after 25 Dec 784; the papal reply was dated 26 Oct 785).
^36	Views differ as to precisely when this took place. See M. Anastos, “The transfer of Illyricum, Calabria and Sicily to the Jurisdiction of the Patriarchate of Constantinople in 732-33,” SBN (= Silloge bizantina in onore di S. G. Mercati), 9 (1957), 14-31, (reprinted Variorum, 1979) who opts for Leo III; V. Grumel, “L'Annexation de l'Illyricum oriental, de la Sicile et de la Calabre au patriarcat de Constantinople”' Recherches de science religieuse (= Mélanges Jules Lebreton, II), 40 (1952), 191-200, puts the case for Constantine V and the pontificate of Stephen II (752-7).
^37	On the date see GR 355; 'the beginning of August', according to Tarasius.
^38	Mansi, XIII. 377 DE.
^39	Hefele, III (2), 775 ff. (text given).
^40	PL 98, cols. 1247-92; Mansi, XIII. 759-810; MGH, Ep., V, no. 2, pp. 5-57.
^41	See Libri Carolini, ed. H. Bastgen, MGH, Legum Sectio III, Concilia. t. II Supplementum, and PL 98, discussed by S. Gero, “The Libri Carolini and the Image Controversy,” Greek Orthodox Theological Review, 18 (1973), 7-34.
^42	GR360 ff.
^43	GR364 (Tarasius to Hadrian I, end of 790).
^44	For sources and detail see Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus.
^45	GR377 (cf. GR368).
^46	GR378-81.
^47	Theodore Studites, Ep., bk. I, no. 26 (PG99, col. 992 D), cited Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, 73.
^48	GR387.
^49	GR388; for a detailed analysis of the underlying currents in the moechian affair and their relation to the conflict between secular clergy and monks see Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, 80 ff.
^50	GR383 and 384.
^51	GR382; cited by Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, 106-7 with translation.
^52	GR389, '10 July or shortly before', with comments on apparent discrepancies in the sources; cf. DR386.
^53	Refutatio et Eversio,236r, cited Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, 128.
^54	PG108, col. 1025 B (CB, with Leo Grammaticus, p. 350).
^55	GR391.
^56	Theosterictus, “Vita Nicetae Mediciensis,” ASS, April 1 (3 Apr., App., p. xxx; the passage recounting this episode is translated in Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, 130-3.
^57	GR395.
^58	GR396-7.
^59	GR398-9.
^60	GR400.
^61	This was to have been edited by Alexander; see Patriarch Nicephorus, 180 ff. and 242 ff. (summary of the text); see also D. Serruys, “Les Actes du concile iconoclaste de l'année 815,” Mélanges d' archéologique et d'histoire, 23 (1903), 345-51 and G. Ostrogorsky, Studien. The treatise remains unprinted.
^62	Se M. V. Anastos “The Ethical Theory of Images formulated by the Iconoclasts in 754 and 815,” DOP, 8 (1954), 151-60 (reprinted Variorum, London, 1979), where he points out the derivative nature of the arguments of the 815 iconoclasts.
^63	See Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, 138 ff.
^64	Alexander began by overemphasizing the originality of the 815 council; see his “The Iconoclast Council of 815 and its Definition,” DOP, 7 (1953), 35-66. He subsequently modified some of his views, as he admits in his “Church Councils and Patristic Authority: The Councils of Hiereia (754) and St Sophia (815),” Harvard Studies in Classical Philology, 63 (1958), 493-505. His book, though published in 1958, was apparently completed several years before this (see his preface, ix) and it does not altogether reflect his later views and his acceptance of criticism on certain points (cf. Ostrogorsky, History, 203, note 1).
^65	Cf. Theodore, Ep., bk. II, no. 2, PG 99, cols. 1120-1.
^66	Ibid. , Ep., bk. II, no. 12, PG99, cols. 1152-3.
^67	GR410, dated 815-16, but in his more recent work Grumel puts it later. On this whole question see V. Grumel, “Les Relations politico-religieuses entre Byzance et Rome sous le règne de 'Léon V l'Arménien,” REB, 18 (1960), 19-44.
^68	Ep. bk. II, no. 13, PG99, cols. 1153-6; see Grumel, op. cit., pp. 32-5.
^69	12 Chapters against the Iconoclasts, ed. A. Mai, Spicilegium Romanum, vol. X, pt. 2 (Rome, 1844), p. 156, cited Grumel, op. cit.38-9.
^70	Vita Theodori Studitae, ch. 60, PG99, col. 317 and Vita S. Nicolai Studitae, PG105, col. 892 B.
^71	Ep., bk. II, no. 121, PG99, col. 1397 B.
^72	See below p. 66.
^73	Ep. bk. II, no. 1, PG99, col. 1116 C.
^74	Vita Methodii, PG100, col. 1243 ff.
^75	DR408, dated 10 Apr. 824.
^76	Detailed analysis in Gouillard, “Synodikon,” 120 ff.
^77	See C. Mango, “The Liquidation of Iconoclasm and the Patriarch Photios,” in Iconoclasm, 134.
^78	See Gouillard, “Synodikon,” 125 ff.
^79	On his ability, good judgement, and eloquence see Vita Methodii, PG100, col. 1253 B.
^80	Cf. Beck, Kirche, 56 with his three possible documents (his 'vielleicht' is however a very shaky one) and GR416-17; Gouillard, BZ, 51 (1958) 404, regards GR417 as suspect.
^81	Bury, Eastern Roman Empire, 145-6.
^82	De Cerimoniis, CB, I, bk. 1, ch. 28, pp. 156 ff. (= Vogt, vol. I, bk. I, ch. 37, pp. 145 ff.).
^83	See Gouillard, “Synodikon,” 93 and 97.
^84	Ibid. 158 .
^85	Ibid. 13 ff . On the office of Orthros see below pp. 351ff.
^86	Ibid. 3 ff .
^87	Alexander, Patriarch Nicephorus, especially ch. 8.
^88	Lemerle, Humanisme byzantin, 130 ff. and 302 ff.
^89	Cf. H. Ahrweiler, “The Geography of the Iconoclast World,” in Iconoclasm, 21-7.
^90	C. Mango, The Homilies of Photius Patriarch of Constantinople (Cambridge: Mass., 1958), Homily 17, ch. 4, pp. 283 and 291.
^91	Anthologia Palatina, I, no. 106, pp. 12-13 (Paris, 1864).
^92	See A. Grabar, Iconoclasme, particularly on the use of art by the iconoclast Emperors and earlier.
^93	John of Damascus, De Imaginibus Orationes, I, ch. 16, PG94, col. 1245 A; ed. Kotter, III. 89.
^94	Ibid., II, ch. 5, col. 1288 B ; ed. Kotter, III. 72.