Regional political parties in india s. Bhatnagar pradeep kumar

Year Muslim Population

1911 3,55320

1921 5,85,943

1931 943352

1941 13,63,962

Thus the increase of the Muslim population in the province caused much anxiety to the Assamese elite. They began to believe that the Assamese would in due course, be swamped by the Muslim immigrants and mat their Province would be converted into a Muslim majority province.

Since the Muslim immigrants happened to be Bengalis, their linguistic affinity with the Bengali Hindus, further gave a numerical push to the Bengali population in the province. It posed a "threat" to the socio-cultural and even political identity of the Assamese. After the partition of the country, the streams of Hindu Bengali refugees flowed into Assam from the erstwhile East Pakistan (Now Bangladesh) which further rein-

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forced this "threat". The 1951 Census Report showed the number of refugees in Assam as 274,455.10 It naturally accessperated the apprehensions of the Assamese elite that they would be swamped by the Bengalis and would have "detrimental political consequences"11. They further believed that they had been caught between the two fires: (i) there were the Muslim immigrants whose hearts would always lie in Pakistan; (ii) there were then the Hindu refugees who wanted to overwhelm the province and "Bengalize" it.12 Thus the migration into Assam, particularly, from Bengal had two major socio-political dimensions: it (i) began to increase the numerical strength of the Muslims in the province which threatened the dominant position of the Assamese Hindu elite; and (ii) created the Assamese-Bengalis tension on the issue of linquo-cultural question.

Even after the inaguration of the Republic, the immigrants from erstwhile East Pakistan continued unabated and these dimensions of immigrants still continued to be a factor in Assam politics. It appears that the period 1951-1971 is marked by significant increases in the growth rate of population. In 1951, the decadal increase in population was 19.94 which shot up to 34.97 in 1961 and 34.95 in 1971. The corresponding all-India figures for these years are 13.31, 21.64 and 24.80%.13 Therefore, it is believed that the higher rate of growth of population in Assam cannot be explained only in items of the natural rate of growth but also has to be explained in terms of large-scale immigration from outside the state. (Particularly from Bangladesh). Mention may be made that in the wake of Bangladesh war of 1971-72, several lakhs of Bengali immigrants poured into Assam but after the war was over, only a few of them returned home. The Assamese Hindu who happen to be the dominant group in the Brahmaputra valley feel that the overwhelming large number of infiltrators have threatened to impair the demographic balance of the State, and upset the socio-cultural equilibrium even to the extent of obliterating the identity of the local people.14 It is assumed that the immigrant community constitutes one of the important vote banks in the state and thus it determines the trend of Assam politics. A section of the dominant Assamese elite even fear that if the Muslim immigrants become the dominant group in Assam in the years to come, a day may come when they might demand Assam's secession from India. Some suspect that Bangladesh has deliberately been conspiring to send large number of people in order to change the communal ratio in the State in the hope of justifying the annexation of Assam by Bangladesh15. Thus an Assamese gentry asserted:

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"The massive infitration is in reality a silent invasion, with the sinister conspiratorial design of turning Assam in the near future into a predominantly Bengali speaking, Muslim majority state, and on that ground annexing it to Bangladesh"16.

In fact, the growing number of migrants in Assam are viewed by a large section of the Assamese people as a threat to their socio-cultural, political and economic life. Linguistically, Assam is now the most diversified state in India. It may be noted that 57 per cent of its population speaks Assamese; and 16 per cent speaks one of the local tribal language. Bengali, the language of Bangaladesh and West Bengal, is the mother-tongue of 17.4 per cent of the population. Hindi, the lauguage of migrants from Bihar, Uttar Pradesh and Rajasthan is spoken by 4.3 per cent of the population17. Economically, the Assamese elite feel a sense of insecurity from the point of view of what they call "economic exploitation" by the out-siders. It may be noted that the modern sinews of life such as employment, trade, business etc. are largely in the hands of the non-Assamese residents of Assam. The scope for government jobs is limited, the economic infrastructure for industrialization is grossly inadequate and land and forest are not adequately used for the economic development of the State18. Whatever employment opportunities are available, the educated Assamese middle class have to face keen competition from the non-Assamese. The non-Assamese middle class not only have much greater earnings, but their style of living stands in sharp contrast to that of the Assamese counterpart which in turn only helps to increase bitterness. The aspiring Assamese middle class therefore, considers some of the immigrant communities as a substantial 'threat' to their economic advancement. They feel that if immigration from Bangladesh, Nepal and other parts of India remains unchecked and economic backwardness of the state is not be removed, the Assamese people would soon lose their distinct identity. The movement on the issue of Foreign Nationals has been the manifestation of this anxiety.

The issue of expulsion of the foreign nationals was first taken up by the All Assam Student's Union (hereinafter AASU) in July, 1979 as one of its sixteen-point charter of demands. In the meantime two regional parties, the Purbanchaliya Loka Parishad (PLP) and the Asom Jatiyatabadi Dal (AJD) were formed in 1977 and 1978 respectively which also took up the issue of the foreign nationals. At the official level, this problem was higlighted for the first time by the Chief Election Commissioner, Mr S.L. Shakdhar on 24 October 1978 in a conference of the State electoral officers. He observed, "The large scale inclusion of foreign nationals

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(in electoral rolls) in some states especially in the northeastern region was alarming and requires drastic action".19 Speaking in the same strain the Janata Party Chief Minister, Mr. Golap Borbora declared in the Assam Assembly on 16 March 1979 that influx of foreign nationals was assuming alarming proportions and that his government had taken a firm stand in the matter20. The movement on this issue virtually started from April 1979 when a by-election to the Lok Sabha in the Mangaldoi constitutency was ordered21. The movement was spearheaded by the AASU and the All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad22 (AAGSP). To begin with the three main issues were raised viz., detecting the foreign infiltrators (mostly from erstwhile east Pakistan, now Bangladesh, and to some extent from Nepal), deleting their names from the voters' list and deporting them from the country. It needs mention that in 1978 and 1979 the terms "bedeshi" (foreigners) and bahiragata (outsider) were used interchangeably. These terms not only covered non-Indian, but also those Indians who had come to Assam from other parts of the country. Later on the Asom Sahitya Sabha the intellectual wing and the seniormost constituent of the AAGSP, intervened to narrow down the meaning of the term 'foreign nationals to the post-1951 immigrants from foreign countries with questionable citizenship status and this got wide acceptance amongst the other constituents of the movement23. In fact, it was a major tactical shift. In any case, the movement created tension throughout the Brahmaputra valley and normal life was paralysed in all the plains districts of Assam except Cachar. Meanwhile, when the movement leaders called upon the people to boycott the election of 1983, the chauvinism and communalism made the issue more complicated24. Most of the regional press made significant contribution in mobilising the public in this direction.

II

As the anti-foreigner movement got its momentum, the movement leaders and their supporters increasingly felt the need for a regional party capable of focusing the aspiration and sentiment of the Assamese middle class.25 They believed that without a well-organised regional party the problem of foreign nationals in Assam could not be solved. Although there were already some regional parties such as the AJD and the PLP, they failed to embrace all sections of Assamese people and work unitedly due to their differences over certain policy matters. Therefore, the AASU took keen and greater interest in the unification of the regional parties

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rather than in the formation of a new regional party acceptahble to all. As a first step in this direction, the AASU organised a national political convention of all like-minded organizations and people of Assam at Jorhat on 10-11 January 1984. In that convention, there emerged a consesus over the formation of a "strong regional party to capture power in the State"26. Further, the convention authorised the AASU to initiate the dialogue with the regional parties of Assam for their unification and "consolidation of the political forces"27. A resolution adopted in this regard stressed the necessity of a broad-based programme for the "construction of the greater Assamese society politically, economically and culturally"28. In pursuance of this resolution the AASU decided at an emergency meeting held at Gauhati University on 7 February, 1984 to take initiative to unite all regional parties of Assam so that the people of Assam could be politically organised on a common platform29. As a corolary to this task, the AASU organised a national workshop (Jatiya Karmahuchi Pranayan Sala) from 9 to 12 April 1984 to prepare a broad-based policy in respect of social, political, cultural, constitutional and legal aspects of the problems connected with the maintenance of distinct Assamese identity30. The workshop held under the Chairmanship of Dr Deba Prasad Baruah, Professor of Political Science, Gauhati University (later on he became the Vice-Chancellor of the University when the AGP captured power of the State) was attended by a large number of pro-movement elements and organizations. After a thread-bare discussion on different aspects of the identity crisis of the Assamese middle class, the workshop finalised a comprehensive programme for the maintenance of the distinct Assamese identity which in turn, necessitated a well-organized regional political party for its implementation31. Further, the AASU held series of dialogues with regional parties, particularly with the PLP and the AJD with a view to forming a new regional party32. But they failed to arrive at a concrete decision. It appeared that both the parties were not prepared to merge with each other because of their differences over the policy and area of operation. It needs mention that the PLP, as its very name implies, prejocted itself as a political party not for Assam alone, but for the entire northeastern region as a whole. The party had its headquarter at Gauhati with a few branches confined to lower Assam only. It did not have any influence over other states that constitute the northeastern region. On the other hand, the areas of operation of AJD confined to geographical boundary of Assam and its organizational base was much larger than the PLP. The AJD had all along been insisting that the unified regional party must have its domain exclusively

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in Assam though it might have fraternal tics with like-minded regional parties in the northeast and in the rest of the country as well. The PLP leaders were unwilling to accept this reasoning, while the AJD maintained that it was first necessary to set one's own house in order before adventuring into larger pastures. As a result, the geographical question became the first obstacle in the way of the merger of these two parties.33

Most of the PLP leaders appeared to be unhappy with any merger proposal. In fact, they were afraid of being thrown out of their existing position of prominence in the party. They saw the unification move as an ruse cooked up by some AASU leaders and their camp followers as a means of gaining AASU's popularity by taking control of the unified party. As evidence, they pointed out to the apparent "sit on the fence" tactis adopted by several prominent ex-AASU leaders who did not join either AJD or PLP perhaps to avoid serving under the leadership of these two parties34. Critics of AJD opined that the very name of the party did not encourage Assam's Tribals and Tea Garden population to join the party35. In fact, the social base of the AJD essentially comprised the small urban Assamese entrepeneurial class, the self-employed professionals and a section of the bureaucracy. These groups were frustrated by the absence of a credible political alternative to the Congress (I) with which they could identify themselves.

In any case, the move for a regional party in Assam with a credible base received wide-spread support from the supporters and the sympathisers of anti-foreigner movement. The PLP and the AJD also gradually realised the growing need of the consolidation of regional forces as a credible political alternative to the national party. As a first step in this direction, the PLP and the AJD constituted a common forum called, "Anchalik Gana Morcha" (Regional Peoples Front) on 5 April 1984 to take up common socio-political programme.36 But this forum did not function effectively and could not bring about the merger. Consequently, the second national political convention was organised by the AASU at Jorhat from 21-23 November 1984. The proposal of a new regional party was strongly lobbied at the convention in spite of the opposition by the AJD and some other delegates37. Mr. Binode Goswami, President of the AJD and its General Secretary, Mr. Arup Bordoloi, while welcoming the unification of all regional political parties, strongly opposed the move for a new regional party38. It may be noted that in protest against AASU's opposition to North-East bandh of 14 August 1984, called by the regional parties of Northeast, the PLP remained absent from the convention. Later on, Mr. Thaneswar Bore, the President of the PLP refuted

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the charge of the second national convention that PLP was non-committal to the unity move which was initiated by the AASU. Mr. Boro rather alleged that the AASU was trying to "destroy the unity and integrity of the region".39 At any rate, Mr. Bhrigu Kumar Phukon, General Secretary, AASU, reported the convention that as entrusted by the first national convention, AASU organised four rounds of talks between the regional parties on the issue of "merger" on 22 September, 11 and 27 October and 10 November 1984 respectively. But no accord could be reached. Therefore, several delegates of the convention were veered round to the opinion that in view of the failure of the regional parties, particularly the PLP and the AJD, to forge unity among themselves inspite of "the wishes of the people of Assam", they were left with no alternative but to form a new regional party, capable of organising the Assamese people in a common political platform40. Further Mr. Phukon placed before the convention the political, constitutional and legal report called "Jatiya Karmahunchi Adhar" prepared by the National Workshop (Jatiya Karmahunchi Pranayan Sala) held on 9-12 April 1984 at Gauhati. The convention accepted the "Jatiya Karmahunchi" and felt the urgent need for a strong regional party for its implementation. In view of this, the convention constituted an 11-member preparatory committee headed by Mr Bindabon Goswami and Mr. Dineswar Tasha (as joint convener) to prepare the ground for a "common political platform" in Assam reflecting the political aspiration of the Assamese people. For this purpose, the convention directed the preparatory committee to hold talks with the regional parties of Assam and to invite the next political convention to form a new regional party41. Accordingly, the preparatory committee held a series of discussions with the representatives of regional parties in a bid to organising the 'Assamese people' politically.42 It may be noted that the Plains Tribal Council of Assam and the Karbi Anglong People's Conference were against losing their identities and they demanded separate state-hood. Therefore, they were not interested in talks for merger. However, under the auspices of the" Auchalik Gana Morcha" (a common platform of PLP and AJD) several round of talks were held between the PLP and the AJD on the issue of merger. As a result of such talks, these two regional parties subsequently agreed "on principle" to merge together and form a new regional political party43. Further, a six-member committee was also formed by them to work out the modalities of the new party.44 Thus, the process of unification of the two regional parties was in progress. However, despite the efforts made by both the preparatory committee and the parties themselves, no final decision could be taken on the issue of merger.

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In the mean time, the anti-foreigner movement culminated in the Assam Accord that was signed on 15 August 1985 between the movement leadership and the Union Government45. It is interesting to note that the PLP vehemently opposed and criticised the accord. Anyway, the State Legislative Assembly was dissolved after signing the Accord and the date of election was announced. In a bid to fight the election battle, both the PLP and the AJD began to make necessary preparation. The PLP even decided to fight the election independently46. But the growing widespread feeling after the Accord was that a strong regional party, capable of capturing the power of the State, should be formed, with a view to implementing the Accord properly. Thus under the pressure of public opinion, the AJD decided in a state level meeting held at Gauhati on 7 October 1985, to merge itself with the new regional party of Assam "on condition" which was to be formulated in the proposed national political convention at Golaghat. The "condition" that was thus finalised stipulated that the main political demands of AJD, such as autonomy to the state and dual citizenship, be included in the charter of the new regional party. Further, it wanted that sixty per cent of the members of executive committee of the new party should be taken from the AJD. Accordingly it decided to send ten representatives to the third national political convention and authorised them to merge with the proposed new party of Assam on fulfilment of the "conditions"47. Under these circumstances, the pre-movement individuals and organizations were anxiously looking forward to the third national political convention, which was held at Golaghat 12-14 October 1985. It may be noted that just before the convention, Mr. Prafulla Kumar Mahanta and Mr. Bhrigu Kumar Phukon, President and General Secretary of the AASU respectively resigned from their offices in order to take a leading part in the Golaghat Convention. The convention, presided over by Mr. Prafulla Kumar Mahanta (former president of AASU), was attended by a large number of delegates representing various regional political parties (including PLP, AJD, KAPC, PTCA and Cachar indigenous peoples's conference), and pro-movement socio-cultural organizations48. Besides, some educationists, Journalists (Including a noted journalist Mr. Arun Sorie) lawyers and other persons who were invited with the approval of local AASU units also attended the conference49. The issue of merger of the existing regional parties was hotly debated in the convention. The PLP, for instance, was not in favour of a complete merger of its identity with the proposed new regional party. It wanted to form a kind of a coalition with a limited objective of fighting the election. A section of the supporters of the AJD was

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also not prepared to merge itself with the new regional party unless its "conditions" were fulfilled.50 However, the majority of the delegates in the convention had shown a great deal of unanimity in the formation of a new regional party embracing all pre-agitationist elements in order to "capture the political power of the State". In view of the general consensus arrived at the convention, both the AJD and the PLP representatives in the convention finally agreed to merge with the newly formed party despite their reservations.51 Thus, a new regional party named, AGP came into existence on 14 October 1985. It embraced in its fold the rank and file of the regional parties (particularly, AJD and PLP) and organisations most of which were constitutcnts of All-Assam Gana San-gram Parishad (AAGSP) which alongwith the AASU had spear-headed the anti-foreigner movement. A four member presidium with Mr. Pro-fulla Kumar Mahanta as the working president, 3 general secretaries and 33 member- executive committee was elected to run the affairs of the new party. More importantly, the convention accepted the draft constitution (with minor modifications) prepared by the preparatory committee in conformity with the suggestions made by the second political convention held at Jorhat. Further, a 7-member committee led by Mr. Prafulla Kumar Mahanta was formed by the convention to give final shape to the Constitution. The new party pledged to work for a "free and progressive society based on secularism, democracy, and socialism"52. The Constitution of the party made the promise that AGP would strive for more powers to the state to ensure "true federal structure"53. It also emphasised that the party would provide security to agricultural and industrial workers by amending the relevant laws, adopt measures for development of local dialects, language and culture, try to forge unity among different sections of people and work for economic development of the people of the state54.

In the last general election held in December 1985, the Assamese people gave their verdict in favour of the AGP. In its election pledge, the AGP assured the people that it would implement the Assam Accord in letter and spirit. Further, the AGP leaders promised to establish a "Senar Asom" (Golden Assam). Most of the Assamese people also sincerely believed that the AGP Government (which they called their "own government") would fulfil their long cherished hopes and aspirations. But unfortunately, it seems that the "hopes and aspirations" of the Assamese people appear to be shattered by the manner the AGP Government is functioning.

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III

This study shows that the formation of the AGP is the result of the growing apprehension on the part of the Assamese people that they would be swamped by the continuos flow of the immigrants into Assam ever since the colonial rule. The inflow of the immigrants had disturbed the socio-economic structure of Assam, thereby threatening their socio-cultural identity and economic structure. Thus, the "Assamese nationalism" began to take firm roots and the Assamese middle class undertook the task of strengthening "self consciousness" among the people with the hope that their mobilisation might transform it into a widespread movement to achieve the goals of socio-economic, political and cultural significance. The anti-foreigner movement was directed towards the realisation of such goals. It needs mention that the AASU has always been in the vanguard of various movements in Assam the Language Movement, 1960, the Movement on the medium of instruction, 1972 etc. which basically supported and advanced the interest of the middle class. Thus the formation of the AGP marks the culmination of the efforts of the AASU leaders to forge political unity among the pro-movement elements in the State.

Although, the anti-foreigner movement was mainly spear-headed in the name of AASU, the leadership of the movement was in the hands of the middle class, and the AGP, born out of this movement, remained very much in the hands of the same leaders. Because of its hegemonic position in the Assamese society the interest of this section is projected and also virtually accepted as the interest of the entire Assamese society. Thus the AGP manifesto for 1985 election clearly reflected the middle class interest. The pledge of the AGP that it would protect the political rights of the Assamese people to bring about their economic prosperity and to protect their cultural identity and interest loses sight of the fact that the protection of interest of the Assamese middle class may not protect the interest of the poor Assamese peasantry. In fact, the AGP clearly emerges as the mouth-piece of the nascent Assamese burgeoisie. But the Assamese bourgeoisie is still very weak and it has to depend on the educated section of the Assamese middle class for political leadership. Therefore, the leadership of the AGP is drawn mainly from the educated elite of Assam.