Turkey Backs Down on Mosul
Up to that point, the Turkish delegation was determined to take Mosul back, but with the new development, it was forced to adopt a new strategy because the British deep state wasn't hesitant about carrying out horrible massacres, and they were slaughtering in plain sight our people in Mosul, Kirkuk and Sulaymaniyah. The only way out seemed reconciliation.
Another important reason why Turkey didn't risk war at Mosul and settled on reconciliation with the terms proposed by the British was the fact that Ankara had no air forces to fight the British air forces stationed in Iraq. After the war, Britain deployed its entire air force to Iraq. This also clearly demonstrated that Mosul was not a negotiable topic for Britain. However, it must be kept in mind that the Turkish side had just emerged from a ten-year of period of constant wars that included the Balkan Wars, WWI and the Independence War. Turkey, during those years, was a tired, battered and impoverished country struggling to remain strong amidst the ruins of the Ottoman Empire. Not only did it have no air force to defend itself, it had very limited military capabilities.
Furthermore, it should be kept in mind that, during the Lausanne talks, Istanbul was still under occupation. Under the circumstances, the Turkish side was clearly at a disadvantage with limited flexibility. All these factors forced the Turkish side to agree to a compromise on the Mosul issue.
Mustafa Kemal, until the time the Lausanne talks were suspended, said on many occasions that Mosul was a Turkish land and that he would ensure it stayed that way, by using military force if necessary. However, later he shifted his tone significantly. He began to say that it would be wrong to be persistent in Lausanne for the resolution of the Mosul issue and that it could be resolved later. One British intelligence report dated March 15, 1923 explains the reason behind this change of rhetoric. The report stated that in the next couple of years, not only Mosul, but Iraq, Basra, Arabia, Syria and possibly other Islamic countries, could unite under Turkish hegemony and that it would be done as the Islamic Union project and that the project had a high likelihood of success.392
Islamic Union indeed will definitely happen, all Islamic countries will unite, the borders will be removed and even countries such as Russia, USA, Israel, China and all the other world countries will join this union. It will happen with the appearance of the Mahdi (pbuh) when all the sinister plots of the British deep state, the wars and conflicts end, when not even a single drop of blood is shed. Mustafa Kemal, no doubt, knew that time would come. He was aware that, sooner or later, Turks would get back the lands that once belonged to them. He was sure that, even though it didn't happen at the time, it would happen with the coming of the Mahdi (pbuh). For this reason, he didn't push the envelope and kept his hope alive with the dream of Islamic Union in his heart.
Finalizing the Treaty of Lausanne
With the 3rd clause of the Treaty of Lausanne signed on July 24, the frontier between Turkey and Iraq was regulated. This clause, where Mosul was not mentioned, stipulated that Turkey and Britain would continue negotiations for another 9 months to determine the frontier and that the Mosul issue would be taken to the Council of the League of Nations unless an agreement was reached. However, the clause had been unclear about the methods of the League of Nations or just what the decision would be about. As mentioned before, taking the issue to the League of Nations would in any case be in favor of the British interests. Turkey would clearly have no say in an organization that it wasn't even a member of. The British deep state, which had maintained a strong grip over the League of Nations back then, pushed with all its might to make illegitimate claims over Mosul.
When the issue was eventually referred to the League of Nations, Turkey asked that the League establish 'the will of the people of Mosul', but Britain asked for the establishment of the 'frontier between Turkey and Iraq'. The fact that the respective clause in the Treaty of Lausanne didn't make reference to Mosul, but only mentioned the 'frontier', gave the British argument the upper hand.393
Post-Lausanne Mosul
Controversial issues that the Treaty couldn't solve dominated Turkish foreign policy in the wake of the Conference of Lausanne, while the disagreement over Mosul with Britain was the most heated foreign policy issue between 1923-1926.
Upon the application of Britain, the Mosul dispute was referred to the League of Nations on August 6, 1924, which started discussing it on September 20, 1924, one year after the Treaty of Lausanne was signed. During the talks, the Turkish side repeated their offer of a referendum in Mosul, but Britain, just like before, rejected the idea with insolent excuses like 'locals being ignorant and not understanding about border issues'.394 (The Kurdish people in the region are above such remarks). On September 30, 1924, a decision was made to set up an investigative commission, which defined the borders on October 28, 1924 and established a status quo Turkish-Iraqi border named 'Brussels Line'. The highlights from the report of the commission that was submitted to the League of Nations on July 16, 1925 were as follows:
1- Brussels Line should be determined as a geographical border,
2- Kurds with their population of 500,000, consisted the majority in Mosul vilayet,
3- Kurds were more populous than Turks and Arabs,
4- Mandate in Iraq that was supposed to end in 1928, be extended for another 25 years,
5- Mosul be left to Iraqi administration provided Kurds in the region are given administrational and cultural rights,
6- If the League of Nations decides that the region is shared between the two countries, the Little Zab river line be accepted as border,
7- If the League of Nations doesn't consider it suitable that the mandate in Iraq is extended and that the region is left to Iraq with certain privileges to Kurds, then Mosul be left to Turkey,
8- Britain's claims and demands with regards to Hakkari be rejected.
When Turkey raised objections to this report, the Council asked the Permanent Court of International Justice in Hague on September 19, 1925 to submit its opinion. This opinion was in line with the wishes of the League of Nations, and despite Turkish protests the Assembly of the League of Nations announced on December 8, 1925 that it adopted the resolution of the Court of Justice. Only a couple of days later, on December 16, 1925, it approved the report of the Investigative Commission and decided that the lands lying to the south of Brussels Line be left to Iraq.
British Deep State's Sedition Fuels Riots Across the Region
Nestorian Riot
Nestorianism and Missionary Activities Targeting Nestorians
Nestorianism is a Christian sect with members in various parts of Asia. Between 1915-1924, a significant Nestorian population lived in Nusaybin, Siirt and Hakkari in Turkey,395 with most settling around Hakkari and considering it as their center (there are currently no Nestorians in Turkey).396
When the word spread in the West of the Nestorian presence in Ottoman lands, many missionaries came to the region as various countries sought ways to turn this Christian minority on Ottoman lands into an advantage for them. Britain was the most ardent and determined one.
The British "Royal Geographical Society" and "Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge" were particularly active in missionary activities. Before we delve further into these historical facts, let us remember one more time a very important truth: being a missionary is a holy activity that people carry out to spread their faith and communicate the religion they believe in. However, the missionaries that will be mentioned here were not seeking to carry out such a duty; on the contrary, they were spies of the British deep state charged with carrying out its dirty tasks, but disguised as missionaries. So much so, those so-called missionaries sent by the said organizations functioned just like intelligence officers on Turkish lands and studied the social order and the power of state authority in the region. They determined the methods that could be used to provoke this community that had a different ethnical background against the state administration.
Nestorian Riots and the British Deep State Efforts
Nestorians had rioted twice against the Ottoman Empire, in 1843 and 1846, but they were suppressed. During WWI, they clashed with the Kurdish tribes in Southeast Anatolia and East Anatolia. The Ottoman archives mention the rivalry between Protestant British and American missionaries and Orthodox Russians to win over the Nestorians during these years397 and that the problems between Nestorians and Kurds escalated due to these supposedly missionary activities.398 Indeed, after having lived together peacefully, tensions began to arise between these two communities which later turned into bloody clashes when the British deep state came onto the scene and started its activities in the region under the guise of missionary activities in the 19th century.399
During the Kurdish-Nestorian clashes in 1843, British missionaries led by George Percy Badger used clothes, food, and money to curry favor with the Nestorians while the Nestorian Patriarch sought refuge in the British Consulate.400 This is an indication of how the members of the British deep state considered Nestorians as an ideal means to help them gain a foothold in the region. As soon as British missionaries like Dr. William Henry Browne gained the trust of the people in the region, they immediately said that the problem concerned internal policy401 and took a stance against the Ottoman Empire.
John George Taylor, the Consul of Britain in Erzurum at the time, began his letter to Earl of Clarendon in 1868, with the following statements: 'Please find attached two reports which include my observations and the experiences about the country and the people. This data is based on my six years of duty in the country'. The attachment of the letter included, in addition to the demographic details of Nestorians, the following comment:
Nestorians are the second largest Christian community after Armenians. They are not important because they are rich or smart. It is because they live on a mountainous terrain close to Iranian border and can be fighters when necessary. It is also because in practice they are almost independent… They always complain about Kurds and Turks and they are so pitiful, they are willing to accept rule of foreigners at the cost of their faiths and lands.402
In other words, the members of the British deep state once again applied its usual tactics, tried to show Nestorians as an 'oppressed people', when they have been living in peace for centuries, and saw them as pawns that could be used with the pretense of 'protection'. (Nestorianism and Nestorians are above his remarks). They didn't hesitate to clearly voice their thoughts.
Riots during WWI and the Subsequent Clashes
Nestorians that rioted during WWI were defeated by the Ottoman army, and as a result started moving towards Hamadan with guidance and help from British aircraft. Subsequently, Britain set up a 3000-tent settlement in Baquba, 50 km from Baghdad, for 40,000-50,000 Nestorians.403
This made Nestorians more vulnerable to exploitation by the British. Living in tent camps dependent on the British, they couldn't help but turn into potential mercenaries for future British claims in the region, rather than being 'oppressed' people protected by the British.
Promising a muhtar (self-governing) state to Nestorians in Hakkari and Urmiye region, British wanted to build a buffer zone between the Ottoman Empire and its lands in Iraq and set up four battalions of Nestorians called 'Levy forces' as the armed force of this buffer zone.404
Identical to British forces in their uniforms and equipment, these forces staged attacks against people living in Hakkari, Şırnak and Van provinces, and particularly worked to drive the Kurdish population living along the Zab valley out of the region. In retaliation, Kurdish tribes began attacking British units in various areas starting in March 1919.405
Even though the British responded to these attacks with counter-attacks, they had to give up on their 'buffer zone' plans based on the use of these 'Levy forces'. Nevertheless, the British deep state continued its efforts to build a Nestorian state in Anatolia. During the conference held in San Remo, Italy from June 18 to 26, 1920, convened for the purpose of sharing Ottoman territory, Lord Curzon demanded a special settlement area for Nestorians. After this development, Nestorians decided to launch a military attack on Hakkari and then settle there.406 The attack that started on October 27, 1920 failed due to harsh winter conditions.
1924 Riot
Three years later, Nestorians rioted one more time and again, their supporters were the British deep state. The British deep state continued to use Nestorians as mercenaries against Turkey until the Mosul issue was resolved in its favor.407
Hakkari governor Halil Rıfat Bey, who was taken a prisoner in the beginning of the 1924 Nestorian riot and later released, said that he saw uniformed and armed British soldiers among Nestorians, and British planes flying over Hakkari (Çukurca) hills. Based on his observations, he said: 'There is no doubt that the British have been recently provoking these people against our government'.408
Halil Rıfat Bey was spot on with his analysis that the riot was backed by the British deep state. This fact is further verified in an article published by The Times during the same time. This article depicted the Turkish lands, planned to be taken for Nestorians, as the Assyrian State, and referring to the incident in Hakkari, used a threatening tone and said if the region were left to Turkey, more incidents would follow. In the same article, the Turkish land of Çölemerik (Hakkari) was called 'lands that belonged to no one yet'. Governor Halil Rıfat Bey, who went to investigate the area, was portrayed as a person that violated the region.409
Indeed, Turkey has declared on several occasions that the British had armed Nestorian tribes that staged attacks against Turkey.410
In truth, the British deep state was planning to build autonomous Kurdish and Nestorian regions within Mosul vilayet, which according to its plan would later join the Arabic state that would be founded under the British mandate. This would give Britain the buffer zone that would protect its oil reserves in the Middle East and enable it to push the Kurdish and Nestorian regions northwards to expand its sphere of influence.411
Cafer Tayyar (Eğilmez) Pasha, the 7th Corps Commander, was given the task of leading the military operation to suppress the Nestorian riot412 and the campaign started on September 11, 1924.413 Kurdish tribes also supported the military campaign against Nestorians.414
On the morning of September 14, a Turkish cavalry unit that passed the border between Hakkari and Mosul was bombed for three straight hours by three British planes that took off from Zakho. Forced to retreat, the Turkish units moved northwards.415 However, when the British began to violate the Turkish land using Nestorians, Turkey sent a diplomatic note to the League of Nations on September 17, 1924, informing it of the violation of the Treaty of Lausanne.416
The campaign reached a conclusion when the Turkish units reached the Hezil Suyu river line on October 11, 1924 and drove the rebels to the north of Iraq.
Sheikh Said Rebellion
Turkey was certainly not pleased with the resolution of the League of Nations dated December 16, 1925 that left Mosul to Iraq. Indeed, according to British intelligence, Mustafa Kemal was getting ready for another round of fighting. As preparations were underway for a military campaign for control of Mosul, the Sheikh Said Rebellion in Southeastern Anatolia broke out. This riot, that saw the participation of some Kurdish and Zaza tribes, was quite suspicious in terms of its causes and timing. The truth is, the riot started for no real reason other than it had been planned years ahead by the British deep state. It was a backup plan to be used should Turkey decided to act – militarily or otherwise – about Mosul. This phony riot would also accentuate the imaginary 'Turkish-Kurdish divide', another British deep state production, and bound Turkey hand and foot.
French historian Jacques Benoist-Méchin made the following remarks regarding the support of the British deep state to the riot:
The Sheikh Said riot was a challenge to the unitary structure of the new state and the applicability of the laws across the entire country… Hoping that it could prevent the Kemalist regime from getting stronger, Britain was provoking a Kurdish riot that would create unrest. It was keeping the wound open for Turkey, by providing food and ammunition to the rioters.417
Britain was closely monitoring the Sheikh Said Rebellion. This incident took place at the most critical point of the Mosul dispute, under the supervision of the British deep state, and just as planned by the British deep state, gave British important leverage. This forged riot gave the international public the message that 'Turks and Kurds were unable to live peacefully together on Turkish lands'.418 This incident allowed Britain to say: "Let alone the Kurds in Mosul, you are fighting even your own Kurds."419
In the first days of the riot, the French Commissariat in Baghdad sent Paris a 40-page report. The report mentioned conflicting French-British interests in the Middle East as well as the Kurdish-British relations. It also included the following statements about Sheikh Said:
Since 1918, Sheikh Said has been working for the Istanbul Kurdish Committee, which seeks to build a Kurdish state under British mandate. In 1918, Abdullah Bey, the leader of Turkey's Committee for Kurdish Independence introduced Sheikh Said to Major Noel, who was one of the fundamental elements of Britain's Kurdish policy …420
Let us reiterate one important fact: Neither Kurds nor Assyrians wished to rebel on Turkish lands. On the contrary, most of these communities objected to these riots. The truth is, the riots were organized and orchestrated by the British deep state spies. The goal was to facilitate British intervention on Turkish lands, portraying Turkey as a weak country intolerant of its minorities, and of course, ensuring definitive dominion over Mosul. The ruses of the British deep state succeeded and the Investigative Commission set up by the League of Nations issued its report in favor of the British case and the League made its decision accordingly. Erzurum MP Hüseyin Avni Bey's following words were proven right once more: 'League of Nations is nothing but a British council'.421
Mosul Is Lost
The League of Nations made Mosul a part of Iraq under British mandate, and its duration was extended to 25 years while originally it was to last only 5 years. It was also decided that the economic matters should be resolved between the two countries through various agreements.
The main reasons why the Mosul dispute was resolved against Turkey's argument can be listed as follows:
1- Turkey was not a member of the League of Nations,
2- Great Britain was the most influential member of the League (indeed, many called the League a British council),
3- The Estonian general who went to the region to carry out examinations wasn't allowed to go to the north of the Brussels Line that defined the Turkish-Iraqi border, which made it impossible to carry out an unbiased investigation,
4- Turkey couldn't send a representative to Permanent Court of Justice,
5- Sheikh Said Rebellion, which was provoked by the British deep state, put Turkey in a difficult position.
Although Turkey objected to the decision, to maintain the newly emerged 'peace atmosphere' and to not violate the former resolutions accepted, she was forced to recognize the decision. The Turkish administration had serious difficulty during that time because the British deep state, which was very influential, fought tooth and nail for Mosul and was adamant on making no compromises on that issue during the negotiations. This was important for the British deep state because in the following years, the British deep state widely used Kurds to carry out its sinister plans for the Middle East and Turkey. The fabricated Turkish-Kurdish divide that was started with the Mosul issue marked the beginning of this exploitation of Kurds.
Although Turkey maintained that the decision about Mosul was unjust, due to its foreign policy of pursuing peaceful means to resolve problems, it refrained from further escalating the issue and voiced its protest through diplomacy in line with the circumstances of the day. As a part of this strategy, it signed a Treaty of Friendship and Neutrality with the Soviet Union on December 17, 1925. This treaty was a 'natural agreement' based on the rapprochement of two countries, which started during the Turkish War of Independence. However, it is noteworthy that it was signed the day after the League of Nations' decision on Mosul. In that sense, it was a continuation of the Soviet-Turkish Treaty of Friendship signed on March 16, 1921, the Treaty of Kars signed with Armenia, Georgia, and Azerbaijan on October 13, 1921, which were Soviet Republics then, and finally the Treaty of Friendship and Brotherhood signed with Ukraine on January 2, 1922. It was also a reaction against the Mosul decision.
What Does the Mosul Question Tell Us?
While studying the Mosul negotiations at Lausanne, it is important to understand why the British deep state was so adamant. The so-called 'Kurdish problem', which had never existed before, suddenly started after Mosul was forcefully brought under British control with the Lausanne negotiations. The century-old plan of the British deep state included fabricating the non-existent 'Kurdish problem' for Turkey, which lingers even today. 'Separation of Turks and Kurds' was first brought up during those days, almost building the infrastructure for a plan that would be used in the future by terror groups. Even though the Kurds of Turkey and Mosul repeatedly stated that they were 'Turks' and 'loyal to Turkey', and although the Kurdish members of the Turkish Parliament shouted out clearly that there was no discord or problem between Turks and Kurds, the British deep state continued its relentless propaganda that said otherwise.
Just like its artificial beginning, the 'Kurdish problem' is still artificial today, when we look at its causes. It should be noted that those people who claim today that such a divide exists and who assume a racist language accordingly, are in truth either agents or sycophants that serve the British deep state. Such people with that state of mind have been a part of deep state structures throughout Turkey's history; they have followed an oppressive policy towards Kurds and even resorted to violence, and they have created a divide in Turkey. Today it is well known that such people created polarization and an artificial hatred for minorities. A careful analysis of the current situation will reveal how the provocation of these people is supported by the familiar publications under the control of the British deep state.
Surprisingly, even though the Stalinist terror group PKK rejects all national identities, it uses Kurdish nationalism as a propaganda tool for its ultimate goal of building an anarchist-communist state in Southeast Anatolia and imposing a communal system on our Kurdish brothers. This propaganda is a frequently used method of the British deep state to influence the masses. Indeed, it was the British deep state that gave the idea to the PKK in the first place. Therefore, it doesn't come as a surprise that the PKK is kept under extreme protection by the British deep state. It was mentioned previously how Mosul was used to fabricate the previously non-existent Kurdish issue and how that plan was stretched into the next century. A careful examination of the current PKK problem reveals that Mosul had indeed been the starting point of the Kurdish card that is still being played by the British deep state.
At the time of the Lausanne negotiations, Kurds were our family, our people, a part of us; and still are. Providentially, our Kurdish brothers and sisters, especially in Southeastern Anatolia, have now realized the sly plans of the British deep state through our relentless efforts. For years, these great people weren't influenced by any provocation, and neither are they now, despite the nefarious traps of the British deep state and of the PKK. The British deep state will never break us from our Kurdish brothers and sisters, no matter how much it has tried since its Mosul games; never will it achieve this.
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