Diglossia
247
choice takes place on a continuum, these changes do not take the form of code-
switching from one variety to another, but manifest themselves in a larger
percentage of features from the opposite variety.
One of the characteristics of the diglossia situation is the effect that speakers
have on each other. Hardly any data
are available on this topic, but in Diem’s (1974)
transcription of radio dialogues an impression can be formed of the way in which
speakers accommodate to each other’s level. In one conversation, for instance, a
reporter is interviewing the secretary general of the Cairene Language Academy.
At the beginning, he still uses phrases like
yaʿni, nifham min kida ʾinnu ʾabl ʾinʿiqād
l-muʾtamar is-sanawi bitibʾa fīh ligān bitabḥaṯ qarārāt
‘that means, we understand
from this that before the opening of the yearly conference
there are committees
that investigate proposals’, in which colloquial /ʾ/ for /q/, continuous marker
bi-
and colloquial expressions like
min kida
are freely used. But when his interviewee
keeps talking using more or less Standard Arabic, within the space of one minute
this same interviewer ends up saying things like
law ʾaradna ʾan naʾḫuḏ namūḏajan
li-zālik
‘if we might take example of this’ (Diem 1974: 76), which is almost absurdly
Classical in its phonology and morphology.
A reverse example may be found in a Lebanese interview between a reporter
and a literary critic, in which the reporter stubbornly
uses colloquial Lebanese,
whereas the critic says things like
bi-ṣūra ʿāmmah ʾal-mawsim kǟn ʾ ižābī – ižābī
ʾawwalan min ḥays il-kammiyyi wa-sāniyan min ḥays ʾan-nawʿiyyi
‘generally speaking
the season was positive, in the first place positive as to quantity, in the second
place as to quality’ with exaggerated Classical style (note the glottal stop in the
article and the realisation of the Classical interdental /ṯ/ as /s/). But in the end he
cannot resist the colloquial style of the reporter, and after a few minutes he talks
like this:
fī taʾrīban ši miyyit maʿriḍ bi-s-sine
‘there are approximately one hundred
expositions each year’, with /ʾ/ for /q/ and dialectal
ši
and
fī
(Diem 1974: 77).
These two examples show that the level of speech of
each of the participants
in a discourse event affects the speech of the others: speakers have a tendency
to accommodate to the other’s level and feel obliged to upgrade or downgrade
their speech. One difference between most Western speech communities and the
Arabic-speaking world is the much larger linguistic distance between colloquial
Arabic and the standard language, which forces the speakers to make decisions
much more frequently than in Western speech communities. Since the colloquial
and the standard language are not discrete varieties, but abstract constructs at
the extremes of a continuum, linguistic choice does not involve a two-way selec-
tion, but rather a mixture of variants.
The discourse factors that determine language choice do not operate mechani
-
cally: in conversations, people may talk to each other on a different level for an
extended period of time, without bowing to the level of their interlocutor. To a
certain extent, they select the variety that one uses in a specific speech situa-
tion by correlating the formality of the situation with
the choice of linguistic
248
The Arabic Language
variants. But it is equally true to say that the speakers’ linguistic choices also
reflect their own evaluation of the speech situation. With their choice of variants,
they indicate to the other participants how they see their role, what they think
about the topic, what kind of setting they wish to take part in. In a larger context
this means that the speakers can use their choice to manipulate their audience.
They can do so because people are exposed
to linguistic variation, and on this
basis they form certain associations between language choice and the outside
world. Skilful speakers can use these expectations in manipulating their audience,
be it for political, ideological or religious purposes.
In many cases, the selection of a few markers suffices to convey the attitude of
the speaker. In radio programmes, for instance, the speakers
usually start from a
written text in Standard Arabic, but in reading it they let themselves be influenced
by the target group. In programmes for housewives or farmers, the structure of
the Standard Arabic text remains unchanged, but at irregular intervals colloquial
markers are inserted, such as the realisation of the standard /q/ as /ʾ/, the posses-
sive particle
Dostları ilə paylaş: