Three important notes about this file

***Cap K Components***

**IMPACTS**

Cap T/Policing

Capitalism perpetuates policing and racism to maximize profit- only reclaiming the state from capitalism can end this cycle and lead to reform

El Kilombo Intergalactico 07 (Collective in Durham NC that interviewed Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos “BEYOND RESISTANCE: EVERYTHING,”libcom.org/files/beyondresistance.pdf//MGD)

The war with no front has two faces. The first is destruction. Any coherent logic and practice that allows for the organization of life outside of capital, anything that allows us to identify ourselves as existing independent of capital, must be destroyed or, what may be the same thing, reduced to the quantifiable exchangeability of the world market. Cultures, languages, histories, memories, ideas, and dreams all must undergo this process. In this regard, struggles for control over the production and subordination of racialized and gendered identities becomes a central battlefield. All the colors of the people of the earth face off with the insipid color of money. For the capitalist market, the ultimate goal is to make the entire world a desert of indifference populated only by equally indifferent and exchangeable consumers and producers. As a direct consequence, the “Empire of Money” has turned much of its attention to destroying the material basis for the existence of the nation-state, as it was through this institution that for the last century humanity was able to, even if only marginally, keep the forces of money at bay. The second face is reorganization. Once the “Empire of Money” has sufficiently weakened the nation-state, it then reinvigorates this same institution for its own ends through the introduction of schemes intended to benefit the structure of the market itself, specifically the advent of privatization as government policy. This allows for the increasing intervention of the state with the end of minimizing its redistributive or social capacity and using it as a mechanism for the insistent imposition of the market. This imposition is so expansive that literally everything becomes a business opportunity, a site for speculation, or a marketable moment. What was previously a site for community strength (i.e. a mural) is today simply a wall for corporate advertisement; what was previously knowledge passed down to be shared socially is today the site for the latest pharmaceutical patent; what yesterday was free and abundant today is bottled and sold. Without any social safety net and bombarded with images of an ever-present enemy, the logic of policing extends to that figure previously known as “the citizen” of the former nation-state. This figure is today reconstituted as an atomistic self-policing subject, “a competitor” who enters (i.e. misses) all encounters believing that “the other,” that which is not me, exists only to defeat me, or be defeated by me. A total war indeed. Today there is simply no quiet corner to rest and catch one’s breath.

Cap T/ Racism

Cap is the root cause of racism

Cole 9 (Mike Cole, Bishop Grosseteste University College Lincoln, UK, “Critical Race Theory comes to the UK : A Marxist response”, Ethnicities 2009 9: 246)

While, for Marxists, it is certainly the case that there has been a continuity of racism for hundreds of years, the concept of ‘white supremacy’ does not in itself explain this continuity, since it does not need to connect to modes of production and developments in capitalism. It is true that Mills (1997) provides a wide-ranging discussion of the history of economic exploitation, and that Preston (2007) argues that CRT needs to be considered alongside Marxism. However, unlike Marxism, there is no a priori need to connect with capitalist modes of production. Thus Gillborn (e.g. 2005, 2006a) is able to make the case for CRT and ‘white supremacy’ without providing a discussion of the relationship of racism to capitalism. For me, the Marxist concept of racialization5 is most useful in articulating racism to modes of production, and I have developed these links at length elsewhere (e.g. Cole, 2004a, 2004b). Manning Marable (2004) has used the concept of racialization to connect to modes of production in the US. He has described the current era in the US as ‘The New Racial Domain’ (NRD). This New Racial Domain, he argues, is ‘different from other earlier forms of racial domination, such as slavery, Jim Crow segregation, and ghettoization, or strict residential segregation, in several critical respects’. These early forms of racialization, he goes on, were based primarily, if not exclusively, in the political economy of US capitalism. ‘Meaningful social reforms such as the Civil Rights Act of 1964 and the Voting Rights Act of 1965 were debated almost entirely within the context of America’s expanding, domestic economy, and a background of Keynesian, welfare state public policies.’ The political economy of the New Racial Domain, on the other hand, is driven and largely determined by the forces of transnational capitalism, and the public policies of state neoliberalism, which rests on an unholy trinity, or deadly triad, of structural barriers to a decent life. These oppressive structures are mass unemployment, mass incarceration and mass disfranchisement, with each factor directly feeding and accelerating the others, ‘creating an ever-widening circle of social disadvantage, poverty, and civil death, touching the lives of tens of millions of US people’. For Marable, adopting a Marxist perspective, ‘The process begins at the point of production. For decades, US corporations have been outsourcing millions of better-paying jobs outside the country.The class warfare against unions has led to a steep decline in the percentage of US workers.’ As Marable concludes: Within whole US urban neighborhoods losing virtually their entire economic manufacturing and industrial employment, and with neoliberal social policies in place cutting job training programs, welfare, and public housing, millions of Americans now exist in conditions that exceed the devastation of the Great Depression of the 1930s. In 2004, in New York’s Central Harlem community, 50 percent of all black male adults were currently unemployed. When one considers that this figure does not count those black males who are in the military, or inside prisons, it’s truly amazing and depressing. Moreover, the new jobs being generated for the most part lack the health benefits, pensions, and wages that manufacturing and industrial employment once offered.