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PAPPUS, JOHANN: German Lutheran; b. at Lindau Jan. 18, 1549; d. at Strasburg July 18,




RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA

Papfss

PAW 


1610. He was a student at Strasburg (1562 64) and TVbingen (1564 86), and after being a private tutor for a year, resumed his studies at Strasburg. He was then vicar of Reichenweyer for a short time, but in 1570 was again in Strasburg, lecturing on Hebrew and serving as preacher. In 1573, he resumed his lectures on exegesis and church history at Strasburg, where he was appointed minister, preacher, and professor of theology in 1578, having been made a canon in 1575. The church in Stras­burg was at that time dominated by the rigid Lu­theran Johannes Marbach (q.v.), who had caused the departure of Peter Martyr and Hieronymus Zanchi, and the dismissal of the pastor of the French congregation. He was opposed, however, by most of the teachers at the high school, of which Pap­pus had been scholarch since 1573; Marbach's chief antagonist being Johannes Sturm, who was ear­nestly seeking a modus vivendi with the Reformed. The magistracy wavered between the two factions, and in Mar., 1578, Pappus proposed sixty eight theses to show that it was not contrary to Chris­tian charity to condemn erroneous doctrines and to separate from heretics. On Apr. 5, 1578, after a passionate defense of Calvinism by a young Pole, J. Mirisch, Sturm laid his Antipappua primua be­fore the assembled scholarchs, professors, and clergy, and was answered by Pappus. Henceforth the con­troversy was continued in writing, Sturm fulmina­ting his second, third, and fourth Antipappus, and Pappus replying with an equal number of defenr aionea, while Osiander and the young adherent of Sturm added to the dispute, and Sturm wrote his Epidolce euchariatica; and an attack on Osiander, and directed an edition of the Tetrapolitan Confes­sion which the magistrates forbade to be sold in Strasburg.

To sum up the controversy, Sturm claimed that not Pappus' contention that there was no viola­tion of love in condemning doctrines which sub­vert salvation but the Reformed doctrine of the Eucharist was the point at issue, and that if the Augsburg Confession were properly understood, the Calvinists. could adhere to the same. He, too, is in favor of the union of all Evangelical churches but not on the Formula of Concord, whose doc­trine of ubiquity was in contradiction with that of the ascension and was provocative of schism. Pappus, on the other hand, declared that the loo­trine Of ubiquity emphasized the divine ommpo­tence and the union of the human and divine in Christ, and deplored the fact that the Formula was not forthwith signed. While the struggle thus con­tinued, the magistrates remained firm in refusing the Formula of Concord, but the violence and tur­moil increased so that, on Apr. 23,1581, further con­troversy was forbidden. On account of an attack of bitter invective on Jacob Andre4 (q.v.), Sturm was retired to private life. Pappus had ahmdy succeeded Marbach as head of the KirdtenkvsrtE early in 1581, and, though the Formula of Concord had not yet been formally adopted, rigorous mesa. urea against the Reformed in accordance with its spirit were now taken. All efforts at appeal were in vain, and on Mar. 24, 1598, the new church con­stitution was adopted by the council which in 



eluded the acceptance of the Formula, thus mark­ing a triumph for Lutheranism. Never ceasing his efforts for the overthrow of Calvinism, Pappus still found time to attend the debate between Roman Catholics and Lutherans convened by Margrave Jacob of Baden at Emmendingen in June, 1590; where he assumed the onerous charge of proving that the Church Fathers had taught doctrines essentially Evangelical. The result of this debate was his Confeaaiania Auguatanm et Auguatiniance Parallels (Frankfort, 1591). Among his writings, besides many controversial pamphlets and ser­mons, mention should be made of Epilotne historic; eeeleaiaatico3 (1584); Commentariua in Confeasionetn Auguatanam (1589); Articuli prcactpui doctrine Christiana in theses digesti (1591); and Contradio­tionea doctorum nuns Romance Eccleaim (1597).

(K. HACSENBCHMIDT.)

BIHuoasAPHY: W. Horning, Johanna PappuB, Strasburg, 1841; H. Heppe, Gachiehte des deakehen Protedantiemw, iii. 314 sqq., iv. 312 sqq., 4 vole., Marburg, 1883 59; (3. Frank, GachieMe der protatantisehen Thedoyie, i. 288 sqq., Leipsic, 1882; and the literature under 9rosn, JOHANN.

PAPYRUS, PAPYRI.

The Plant and its Manufacture (f 1). Character of the Documents 0 2). Their Importance ($ 3). Biblical and Christian Fragments (; 4). Their Utility (¢ 5).

The etymology of the word " papyrus " is as yet

uncertain. De Laga,rde raised the question whether

papyrus was the article manufactured at Bur& on

Lake Menzaleh, of which the Egyptian name was

pa. Another derivation offered by Bondi (Zeit­

achrift fur aegyptische Sprache urtd Altertumakunde,

1892, p. 64) and supported by W. M. Miller (EB,



iii. 3556) is the Egyptian pa p yor,

z. The Plant " the product of the river," or " the

and its river plant." The plant is known

Manufacture. outside of Egypt, for example, in

Sicily, and in Italy by Lake Thrasy­

mene, and is now cultivated in many botanical

and private gardens; its botanical name is Cypenta

papyrus, and its habitat shows that it requires a

warm climate. It may be transplanted and is

propagated by seed or by slipping the stalks. Its

use as writing material is very old. According to

Kenyon the earliest inscribed papyrus dates back to

the period of King Assa (c. 2600 B.c.), and from

that time till the Arabic occupation of Egypt papy­

rus was the ordinary material upon which to write

in the land of the Nile. In spite of its apparent

fragility, it seems to be nearly as indestructible as

the pyramids or obelisks, and to this quality is due

in no small degree the resurrection of ancient Egypt

in the present day. The method of manufacture is

often wrongly described, as when it is asserted that

it was made from the " bast " of the plant. An

account of the method of preparation is given by

Pliny (Hid. tat., xiii. 11 13; of. G. Ebers, The



Writing Material of Antiquity, in the Cosmopolitan

Magasine, Nov., 1893), and the following is the

account of Kenyon (Paleography of (creek Papyri.,

p. 14, London, 1899) : " the pith of the stem of the

papyrus plant was cut into thin strips and these

strips were laid side by side together, vertically, in




Papyrus THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG 342

the form of a sheet of paper. Over this layer an­other was placed horizontally, and the two layers were joined together by a sort of glue of which the water of the Nile was supposed to be a necessary constituent. The layers were put under pressure and then dried in the sun, after which they were polished to remove any unevenness of surface, when the material was ready for use." This method of preparation is known to have been in use in Sicily as late as 1902. Of course the size of the leaf varies, and measurements have been collected by Kenyon (ut sup., pp. 16 17). For most non literary pur­poses a single leaf sufficed; for longer texts, espe­cially those of a literary character, the required number of leaves were formed into a roll, and this last is the classical form of ancient productions of the pen. The side was commonly used on which the fibers ran horizontally (recto), the other side (verso) was used only exceptionally; from this it follows that when a piece of papyrus carries wri­ting on both sides in different hands, that is usually the earlier which is on the recto. In the later cen­turies of antiquity the book or codex appeared, and finally superseded the earlier or roll form; the asser­tion that the book form is due to the use of parch­ment is incorrect. Numerous fragments of papy­rus books are known, some of which go back to the third century of the Christian era; the Logia frag­ments are in this form.

The papyrus plant is spoken of in the Old Tes­tament, Job. viii. 11; Isa. xxxv. 7 (gome; Septua­gint, Papyros); Job xl. 21 (bizzah); Isa. xix. 6 (suph); and in Ex. ii. 3 mention is made of little papyrus

arks or boats (see also NAVIGATION). z. Character John's second epistle also names of the papyrus (verse 12, " paper " is prob­Documents. ably papyrus); while II Tim. iv. 13,

" the books," surely refers to papy­rus, since " parchments " are especially mentioned. But the justification for this article lies not merely in these references, but rather in the fact of the great importance of recent recovery of papyrus fragments for the study of the Bible and of early Christianity. Since the year 1778, when an un­known European dealer in books bought from some Egyptian peasants a papyrus roll of the year 191 192 A.D. and watched these same peasants burn some fifty or more other fragments to enjoy the aromatic odor, the land of the Nile has furnished an immense number of inscribed papyri in all pos­sible languages and covering a period of over a thousand years. In the second and third decades of the nineteenth century quite a number of papyri from Memphis, Letopolis, This, Panopolis, Thebes, Hermonthis, Elephantine, and Syene had reached European museums, but were little noted or studied. But from the year 1877 date the richest acquisi­tions from the Fayum, numbering thousands of precious leaves and fragments. Most of these have been unearthed by the spade; and this has become the method of search for this valuable material. That the fragments found are from the waste heaps of ancient cities is of itself indicative. What has been found is not the remainder of great archives, but simply the residue of rubbish heaps cast out from public and private offices, torn books and



leaves discarded to receive a valuation never con­ceived by those who threw them away. The great mass of the papyri are of a non literary character  law papers of various sorts, leases and loans, bills and receipts, marriage agreements and wills; there are also letters and notes, copy books, magical texts, horoscopes, diaries, and the like. The earliest reach back into the time of the Ptolemies, one in­deed as early as the fourth pre Christian century; the latest come far down into Byzantine days.

The changing history of Greco Roman Egypt is reflected in these fragments. One can not estimate too highly the value of these finds of Greek writing alone to say nothing of other bits containing writing in demotic, Coptic, Arabic, Latin, Hebrew, and Persian for the light they throw upon antiq­uity; they represent a resuscitation of

3. Their a large part of ancient life. Their tes­Importance. timony to the past is so true, warm, and vital that they are a more trust­worthy witness almost than the words of an author telling of the period, and certainly have more of life than inscriptions which are not seldom as cold as the marble on which they are. The papyrus carries autographs, it shows peculiarities of hand­writing, it reveals the personal life of the writer. The revelations it gives seem like the flow of fresh warm blood contributed, e.g., to the history of law, but not merely to this, for they enliven and illumine th^ history of culture and of the history of language. Indeed, these unliterary papyri have a value for the science of history not possessed by literary works more pretentious just because they come not from ancient art but out of the daily life of the past, dug as they are from the peasants' fields. It is to be hoped that not only the fragments of liter­ary works may be published reverently as may be, indeed but that also all the non literary bits may be made known, since what seems a trivial lease may contain a form of speech which shall prove to be a long wanted connecting link between the lingua franca of the period and a form developed therefrom in a New Greek dialect. What may ap­pear to one as unimportant may to another prove an inestimable prize. Mention is pertinent here of another class of finds nearly related to the papyri  the ostraca (cf. U. Wilcken, Griechische Ostraka aus Aegypten and Nubien, 2 vols., Leipsic, 1899; W. E. Crum, Coptic Ostraca from the Collections of the Egypt Exploration Fund, the Cairo Museum and Others, London, 1902).

It is not at all surprising that theological research should deem especially important the fragments recovered from Biblical or early Chris 

4. Biblical tian literature; and there is reason for and gratitude for all that contributes to

Christian knowledge of sources. The most im 

Fragments. portant of Greek fragments in this department are herewith noted.
1. Gen. xiv. 17,, British Museum papyrus 212.

2. Genesis fragments in the collection of Archduke Rainer in Vienna, and in vol. iv. of the Oxyrhyncus papyri (see under EareT EXPLORATION FUND).

3. Pa. x (xi.) 2 xviii (xix.) 6; xx (xxi.) 14 xxxiv (xxxv.) 6, British Museum papyrus 37.

4. Pa. xi (xii.) 7 xiv (xv.) 4. British Museum papyrus 230. 5. Pa. xxxix (xl.) 16 xl (xli.) 4, Berlin Museum.






348 RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA pap:

6. Fragments of Pas. v., cviii., exviii., exasv., cwiii.. cxl., in Amherst papyri 5 6.

7. Fragments of the Psalms in the Rainer collection, in the Louvre and the National Library in Paris.

8. Job i. 21 22, ii. 3, in Amherst papyrus 4.

9. Cant. i. 6 9, Oxford, Bodleian MS. Gk. g. 1 (P).

10. Isa. xxxviii. 3 5, 13 16, Rainer collection, no. 8024 (guide no. 536).

11. Esek. v. 12 vi. 3, with the diacritical signs of Origen. Oxford, Bodleian MS., Gk. d. 4 (P).

12. Zech. iv. xiv.; Mal. i. iv., twenty seven leaves written on both sides, now in the Heidelberg library (ed. Deissmann in Veragentlichungen sue den Heidefberper Papyrus Sammlunp, vol. i., Heidelberg, 1904).

13. Gen. i. 1 5, Amherst papyrus 3c.

14. Several fragments having to do with the history of Egyptian Judaism, in Berlin, Paris, London, Giseh, and in the Oxyrhyncus Papyri.

15. Fragments of Philo, in the National Library, Paris.

16. Matt. i. 1 9, 12, 14 20, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 2.

16a. Matt. i. ii., idem, no 401.

17. Fragments of Matt. in the National Library. Paris, at the end of the Philo fragment.

18. Fragments of Matt. in the Rainer collection.

19. Luke v. 3o vi. 4, in the National Library, Paris, at the end of the Philo fragment.

20. Luke vii. 36 43, x. 38 42, in the Rainer collection, no. 8021 (guide no. 539).

21. John i. 23 32, 33 41, xx. 11 17, 19 25, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 208.

22. Fragments of the Gospels, in the Rainer collection.

23. Rom. i. 1 7, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 209.

24. I Cor. i. 17 20, vi. 13 18, vii.! 3, 4, 10 14, in the li­

brary of Bishop Porfiri Uspeneky at Yief.

25. I Cor. i. 25 27, ii. ", iii. 8 10, 20, at Sinai.

26. Heb. i. 1, Amherst papyrus 3b. In the Louvre is an inedited fragment of the Epistle of Jude, and Oxy­rhyncus papyri, vol. iv, has a large fragment from Heb.

26a. I John iv. 11 17, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 402.

27. An amulet containing passages from the Septuagint of Pa. xc (xci.), Rom. xii., John ii., in the Rainer collec­tion, no 8032 (guide no. 528).

28. Fragments of an extra canonical Gospel containing a part of the denial of Peter, in the Rainer collection.

29. The so called Logia Fragment. Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 1, published by Grenfell and Hunt (see under AeRAPRA), and a second fragment published by the same, 1904.

30. Fragment of a Hebrew Greek Onomastiaum sacrum, in the library of the University of Heidelberg, pub­lished by Deissmann ut sup,, vol. i.

31. Shepherd of Hermes, 8imilitudes, ii. 7 10, iv. 2 5, in the Berlin Museum.

32. Fragment (from Melito of Sardis?) upon prophecy, con­tains a citation from the Shepherd of Hermes, Man­dates xi. 9 10, Oxyrhyncus papyrus no. 5.

33. Fragment of a Gnostic (Valentin; ?) writing, the same, no. 4 verso.

33a. IrenEeus, Hier., III., ix., the same, no. 405.

34. Fragments of Basil of Cmarea, Epiat. v., vi., ccxciii., cl., ii., Berlin Museum.

35. Fragments of Gregory of Nyasa, " Life of Moses,  the same.

36. " Lives of the Saints," Paris, Mus6cs nationaux, nos. 7403 d5, 7408, and Fond du Faioum, no. 261.

37. Theological fragments, British Museum, papyrus no. 455.

38. The same no. 113; neither this nor the preceding is fully made out.

39. Fragment of Cyril of Alexandria, De adoratione, in Dublin.

40. Fragments of Cyril, in the Rainer collection.

41. Letter of a Patriarch of Alexandria to the Egyptian churches with citations from Cyril'e commentary on the Gospel of John, British Museum no. 729.

42. Assumption of Isaiah ii. 4  iv. 4, Amhpmt papyrus no. 1.

43. Fragments of the Greek Apocalypse of Baruch. Oxyrhyn­cus papyrus no. 403.

44. An unidentilred fragment, the same, no. 406.

Besides these, there are several liturgical and homiletical

fragments. Of importance for theology are a number with

Coptic writing carrying Biblical, Gnostic, and other early

Christian writings, one of them the Ado Pauii. Published

by C. Schmidt in Verd$entlichuupen aua den Heidedberper Papyrus 3ammlunp, vol. ii., Leipsic, 1904.

The non literary papyri often contain details which have direct bearing upon Biblical and early Christian antiquity. Thus there are pieces which name Jews living in various parts of Egypt and so afford a view of Judaism from the times of the Ptolemies till the time of the Roman empire. Other

papyri enable us to settle the date of g. Their the prefect of Egypt Munatius Felix

Utility. and so to date Justin Martyr's Apol 

ogy. The period of persecution is illumined by the libelli which have been found (see LAPSED). There is a letter from a presbyter in the Great Oasis to another presbyter concerning a banned Christian woman (cf. A. Deissmann, Ein Original Document aua den diocletianischen Christen­verfoIgung, Leipsic, 1902; in English, The Epistle of Psenosiris, London, 1902). There are also legal documents of importance and interest for the his­tory of Christianity, not all published, which will advance knowledge materially. Incidentally, light is thrown upon the Monogram of Christ (see JEsus CHRIST, MONOGRAM OF). While the papyri have value for general Greek philology, they are of espe­cial importance for the Septuagint (see HELLENISTIC GREEK). Until the discovery of the papyri there were few contemporary documents which illus­trated that phase of the Greek language which lies open in the Septuagint and the New Testament. In those books what is found is the Greek of com­mon intercourse of the times, both in vocabulary and in forms, and often also in syntax this in dis­tinction from the literary language of rhetoricians. The impression conveyed is that development of the language was still proceeding, and this impres­sion might have been confirmed by reference to the few inscriptions of the period, which often show close affinities with Biblical Greek. But these had received little attention, and the opinion grew up and is even yet prevalent that Biblical Greek was a special type of the language. This theory has had great influence in exegesis, but will have to give way in face of the testimony of the papyri. One of the great gains from the recovery of these documents is that they show the relation of the Biblical texts to contemporary use of the Greek tongue and in a good sense " secularize " the Greek of the Bible. Among special points made clear by the papyri is the fact that the Septuagint is an Egyptian Product. This is, of course, not new; but the Greek Bible can now be placed among a multi­tude of documents which are, so to speak, of its own nationality, and thereby it gains in vividness and in power to present to the imagination the environment in which it arose. Thus when the translators substituted " embalmers " for the " physicians " of the Hebrew text in Gen. 1. 2, they reproduced in their rendering the influence of their surroundings. Again, the papyri make possi­ble a more exact investigation of questions which concern orthography, morphology, and syntax. Thus the repetition of the numeral to express dis­tribution as found in, e.g., Gen. vii. 15 and mark vi. 7 is illustrated in the Oxyrhynchus papyrus No. 121 of the third Christian century; by this the late




Papyrus THE NEW SCHAFF HERZOG

Parables of Jesus Chalet



Greek is connected with the Biblical Greek. Espe­cially valuable are the contributions made to the lexicography of Biblical Greek. And a further service is done in giving a realistic sense of one of the fields in which the early seed of Christianity was sown, since the men of the period are made to live again, are shown at their work and under their anxieties, in their distance from God and in their sighing for him. This is especially true of the men of the lower and middle classes, among whom the Gospel found its chief success. To him who has more than a mere philological interest and whose eye is not content with a mere surface view of things, these documents will bring rich results in an enlarged knowledge of civilization and religion. Even technical theological science benefits when the historical background receives illumination.

(A. DEIssMANN.)



BIBLioa81PzT: On the paleography consult: F. G. Kenyon, Palmopraphy of Greek Papyri, Oxford, 1899; U. Wilcken, Tafdn sur d itsren priochischen POM0gaphie, Leipeic, 1891; E. A. Thompson, Handbook of Greek and Latin Palarop­raphy, London, 1893; C. Weseely. Papyrorrcm Scripturor Orma epecimina isagogica, ib. 1900. For introductory studies consult U. Wileken, Die griachiechen Papyrueur kunden, Berlin, 1897; idem, in Neue Jahrbfher far daa klaaeieehe Altertum. 1901, pp. 87791. The most im­portant works bearing on the relation of the papyri to the Bible sad Christianity are G. A. Deissmann, Brbd­studien, Neue BOetaludien, 2 vole., Marburg, 1895 97, 2d ad., Tabingen, 1911, Eng. travel. of both volumes. Bible Studies. Contributions chiefly from Papyri and In­scriptions to the Hid. of as Language, the Literature, and the Religion of Hellenistic Judaism and Primitive Chris­tianity, Edinburgh, 1901, 2d ed., 1903; to be noted also are his publications cited in the text, and his Die aprach­liche Brjorachung der grischiachen Brad, Ar gegenwdrtiper Stand and ihre Aufgaben, Giessen, 1898; also Licht non Osten, TQbingen, 1908, 3d ed., 1909, Eng. trawl., Light from the Ancient East, London, 1910; J. H. Moulton, in the Classical Review, xv (1901), 31 38; idem, in The Ex­positor, Apr., 1901, Feb. and Dec., 1903; idem, Grammar of New Testament (reek, vol. i., consult index, Edinburgh, 1908, 3d ad., 1908; G. Milligan, Selections from the Greek Papyri, Cambridge, 1910; E. Buonaluti, Saggi di Pilo­logia a Storia del Nuovo Teatamento, Rome, 1910. A jodr nal is issued under the editorship of U. wileken, Archiv far Papyr,uaforschung, Leipsie, 1900 eqq.; cf. C. weesely, Studien cur Paldopraphie and Papyruskunde, ib. 1901 sqq. The Archarolopical Reports of the Egypt Explora­tion Fund should also be consulted; also P. Viereck, Jahresbericht aber die Porexhritte der klassiacAm Altertumewiasenschaft, xcviii (1898), 111., 135 188, oil (1899), 111., 244  311.

PARABLES OF JESUS CHRIST.

Meaning and Content of the Term (¢ 1). Non Biblical Treatment (¢ 2).

Synoptics' Use of the Term (§ 3).

Number and Character of the Parables (¢ 4). The Transmission Essentially Faithful (¢ 5). The Object of the Parable (4 8).

Its Essential Characteristics ($ 7). Principles of Interpretation (p 8). The Essential Value of the Parables (¢ 9). History of Interpretation (¢ 10).

Parable is a loan word taken over from the New Testament, where it is a derivative from parabal­leathai, " to place beside," i.e., for purposes of com­parison (Mark iv. 30 and the parallels). It is the usual designation of groups of illustrative or pie­torial or gnomic teachings of Jesus, and occurs most frequently in the Synoptic Gospels. Jesus himself used it (Matt. xiii. 18 and the parallels), and the compilers of the Gospels employ it, Matthew seventeen times, Mark thirteen times, Luke eight 

een times. Elsewhere it occurs only in Heb. ix. 9, xi. 19. The Fourth Gospel does not use it, but has

the synonym paroimia. It appears to :. Meaning be a word taken over from the Septua­and Content gint, since in Matt. xiii. 35, at the close of the Term. of a group of parables that form of

teaching is said to be a fulfilment of Ps. lxxviii. 2, where the Septuagint translates by the word the Hebrew mashal. Synonyms in the Septuagint and the Apocrypha are paroimia, dil­gdma, ainigma. The early Christian lexicographers employed it in various senses, such as " riddle," " trope," " example," " aphorism," " proverb," " comparison." The word covers in the Septua­gint a variety of forms of expression, such as the fables of Jotham (Judges ix. 7' sqq.) and Joash (II Chron. xxv. 18), the riddle of Samson (Judges xiv. 14), the teaching of Nathan (II Sam. xii. 1 aqq.), and the allegories of Ezekiel. In classical Greek the word has also a technical sense in logic and rhetoric, and was discussed by Plato and Socrates. The parable of Socrates and the " exam­ale " of Plato are parallel with the parables of Jesus. The essence of both is that the matter under discussion is illuminated by comparisons brought from some other realm of experience or fact. The difference between the fable and the parable is that the former is a creation of fancy, the latter a statement of relations based on obser­vation of realities.

Aristotle's theory was all powerful in ancient rhetoric, and it laid stress upon this form of expres­sion as a means of proof or argument. Numerous examples of its employment are found in the older literature, the best knoRV of which is the fable of Menenius Agrippa. [Roman consul 503 B.c.; d. 493. His parable told of the insurrection of the other members of the body that arrayed themselves against the stomach, which they thought to be the idle consumer of nourishment, and so brought damage to themselves.] Its popularity may be illus­trated by the fact that in Plato's Republic lEsop was given a place while one was denied to Homer.

Socrates is famous for his use of the

2. Non  fable and the comparison, as, for ex 

Biblical ample, in his use of the story of Pro& Treatment. kos (Xenophon, Memorabilia, II., i.

21 34). In this last case the personi­fication of virtue and lust, the use of Hercules out of mythology, and the purpose and method of the entire story give the whole narration the character of a parable. Seneca treats well of the parable (Epiat. ad Lttcilium, lix. 6), putting imagines and parabolas side by side as methods of teaching by comparison. Cicero and Quintilian mean the same thing when they equate aimilittuto and collatio. And in this literature parallels to Christie teaching are abundant, as in Dio Chrysoetom (Oratio xxx. 28­29) and especially in Epictetus. There is, of course, in the examples just adduced no question of literary dependence. They illustrate the dictum that in this form of discourse the truth underlies the argu­ment, and only the form of narration is fictitious. Man thinks first in analogies and personifications, and he continues to think and illustrate his thoughts in these forms.






"a RELIGIOUS ENCYCLOPEDIA p; ;,~"of Jean, Christ

But in classic rhetoric the word parable had a

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