Ashley Smith may not have cried out aloud for her jailers to hear as she lay dying in a segregation cell. But can anyone doubt that not only that day but for a long time before she had been crying out? Can anyone imagine that faced with the experience of their own child crying out in such a disturbed and disturbing manner that they would not intervene until she was close to death? Would anyone accept as justification for such neglect the intention to hold her accountable and thereby change her behaviour? Respect for human dignity and our common humanity bespeaks and begs for humane intervention. Human dignity and dignity's child suffered a fatal blow when Ashley Smith was allowed to die.
The Panel is not responsible for Ashley Smith's death. But the Panel has adopted the same policies adopted by the highly stressed staff at Grand Valley who subjugated the rights of Ashley Smith to the perceived needs of security and control. In our view the Panel was too easily captured by those who promote deprivation as a means to achieve compliance in a system where compliance often trumps all other considerations such as the desperate circumstance or mental health of the individual. The importance of vigilant and principled leadership in maintaining conditions that respect the rights of individuals confined by the power of the state was missed entirely. Indeed, the Panel demonstrated a failure of leadership to address the most vexatious and pernicious problem of corrections through the ages: providing safe and humane conditions through respect for human rights in a prison environment.
All of this speaks to the dangers of creating major “transformative” policy virtually overnight by a largely unqualified group under a heavy cloud of political expediency. Surely these factors alone warrant that the report be set aside as a failed experiment in public policy. That it was accepted in its entirety without any apparent internal critical review or public consultation as the future for CSC is alarming. Surely in this case the emperor has no clothes.
The Panel’s Roadmap seeks to move the Correctional Service of Canada away from an unequivocal commitment to respect and protect the human rights of prisoners as the centerpiece of its operations. It is a flawed moral and legal compass. It points in the wrong direction; a direction that, tragically and inevitably, will bring yet more chapters in an already overburdened history of abuse and mismanagement of correctional authority through gross disregard of human dignity.
Conclusion
So what should readers conclude from our response? We have challenged the Roadmap’s framework for transforming the future of the Canadian correctional system on many grounds. The principal themes that have informed our critique of the proposed transformation are that it falls short of two of the fundamental criteria for a correctional system for the 21st century. The first of those criteria is that in law, policy and practice the system must demonstrate its overriding commitment to the protection of human rights. The fact that nowhere in their analysis does the Panel, even for a paragraph, reflect on the concept of human rights when discussing the future of the most coercive arm of the state is unpardonable and we would argue that for this reason alone the Roadmap to Strengthening Public Safety is discredited. We do not have to labour over the hard lessons learnt from Abu Ghraib and Guantánamo Bay to understand the essential relationship between human rights and imprisonment. In Canada our own legacy of abuse, most recently exposed in the report of Justice Louise Arbour and the Correctional Investigators report on the death of Ashley Smith and in the continuing and increasing over-representation of Aboriginal prisoners, should make it clear that complacency has no place in our commitment to human rights.
The second criterion for a “correctional system” is that it must “correct.” If a correctional system is to correct, then we must judge its operation in that light and asses any proposals for changes on the basis of likely outcomes. While the Roadmap makes very substantial recommendation for change, in major areas it provides a dearth of evidence for the likely effect, let alone benefit of them. They claim that the abolition of statutory release will result in more prisoners actively following their correctional plans and, therefore, being released by the National Parole Board on the road to reintegration - without any evidence. They propose massive investment in work readiness as the key to post release success – without evidence. They dismiss most education beyond basic job training – without evidence. And so it goes time and time again thus raising the larger question of whether key elements of the transformation agenda have any foundation stronger than the beliefs of the Panel and senior CSC management.
For years CSC has, through its own research branch and in conjunction with the research branch of the Ministry of Public Safety and the academic community conducted some of the most advanced research and analysis of what can be done within the correctional environment that serves to reduce recidivism. CSC often prides itself in its international reputation in this respect and yet all this was entirely ignored by the Panel who instead substituted their personal beliefs. How was this possible and, more importantly, why was this possible?
In our opening chapter we trace back statements of the Prime Minister that clearly dismisses, even derides, evidence as the basis of public policy in criminal justice. We identified long-held positions of founding political parties to the current governing party that now appear in the report as major recommendations – political positions that were never analyzed objectively or justified with evidence.
When we hold the Roadmap up to the record of the impressive reports of previous royal commissions, commissions of inquiry and parliamentary committees that have marked the progression of Canadian corrections over the course of almost two centuries, it lacks the essential features of a landmark pointing the way to a better future, a safer future, a more just and humane future. What it represents is a warning sign of the dangers of forming public policy in one of the most difficult and challenging areas of our democracy where the most fundamental rights are at stake, in the crucible of narrow political ideology. That the Panel did not have the necessary strengths and independence to carry out its broad mandate and that it was given an impossibly short timeframe have only contributed to what must be regarded as an abject failure in reshaping Canadian corrections.
It is one of the great ironies, but also very telling, that a document so flawed has so quickly become the blueprint for operational change and opening of the public purse. Many of the recommendations of the Roadmap do not require changes to the legislative framework and are in the process of being implemented. We have been told that “the train has left the station” and that critical commentary will not bring it back. Our response is that if the train is heading for a crash the responsible step is to try and stop it in its tracks before it does irreversible harm.
There are other parts of the Roadmap that recommend legislative amendment to the legislative framework of corrections. In June 2009, in the final days of the session the Honourable Peter Van Loan, Minister of Public Safety, introduced in Parliament a package of legislative amendments to the CCRA identified as Bill C-43. The direct link between the Roadmap and the proposed amendments is made clear in the Minister’s statements “It sets the foundation to strengthen the federal correctional system as we are proposing with the tabling of this bill”.410
We carefully considered adding as a final chapter to this response our commentary on Bill C- 43. We have decided however that it is better to distribute this commentary as a separate albeit companion document. The Roadmap is being held up by CSC as the foundation for correctional transformation displacing and eclipsing every other vision of corrections. The implications for the policies, practices and values contained in the Roadmap go far beyond that which requires legislative change and so we did not want readers to assume that Bill-43 is the complete response of the Government to the report. Indeed Bill C-43 it is likely to be only the first of several Bills, including one to abolish statutory release. As a matter of historical record we have an obligation to make it as clear as we can that this is a vision that offers a false promise of public safety, obscuring its great detrimental impact on the protection of human rights and effective corrections. We also have an obligation to make it clear to those who will be deliberating upon the merits of Bill C. 43 that its amendments are not the “modernization” of the correctional system as the government would have but a deeply regressive move.
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