Flammiatos, cited in Monk Augustine, “To imerologiakon skhisma apo istorikis kai kanonikis apopseos exetazomenou” (The calendar schism from an historical and canonical point of view), Agios Agathangelos Esphigmenitis, 129, January-February, 1992, p. 12 (in Greek).
318
“A Biographical Note concerning Cosmas Flamiatos”, Orthodox Christian Witness, vol. XVIII, № 30 (833), March 18/31, 1985.
319
The idea that Church regulations and customs, such as fasting on Wednesdays and Fridays, could be dispensed with was an attitude of the nobility which St. Seraphim of Sarov, in particular, criticized. He said that he who does not fast is not Orthodox. (V.M.)
320
N.O. Lossky, History of Russian Philosophy, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952, p. 48.
321
Translated in Serena Vitale, Pushkin’s Button, London: Fourth Estate, 2000, p. 82.
322
Berlin, “Russian Intellectual History”, in The Power of Ideas, London: Chatto & Windus, 2000, pp. 74-75.
323
Michael Binyon, Pushkin, London: HarperCollins, 2002, p. 551.
Razgovory Pushkina (The Conversations of Pushkin),Moscow, 1926.
326
Yury Druzhnikov, “O Poetakh i Okkupantakh”, Russkaia Mysl’, N 4353, February 15-21, 2001, p. 8.
327
At the time of the baptism of Rus’ in 988, Rome was still formally Orthodox and in communion with Constantinople. Nevertheless, heretical tendencies were already deeply rooted in the West. (V.M.)
328
For Chaadaev “the supreme principle” was “unity”, which he saw incarnate in Western Catholic Christendom – completely forgetting that the West was torn by the division between Catholicism and Protestantism. See Pushkin’s remark below. (V.M.)
329
Lepakhin and Zavarzin, “Poet i Philosoph o Sud’bakh Rossii” (A Poet and A Philosopher on the Destinies of Russia), Vestnik Russkogo Khristianskogo Dvizhenia (Herald of the Russian Christian Movement), N 176, II-III, 1997, pp. 167-196.
330
Walicki, op. cit., p. 89.
331
But Byzantium, he notes, was still in communion with Rome at that time, and “there was a feeling of common Christian citizenship”. (Wil van den Bercken, Holy Russia and Christian Europe, London: SCM Press, 1999, p. 198).
332
Lossky, op. cit., p. 49. Moreover, in 1854, during the Crimean War, he wrote: “Talking about Russia, one always imagines that one is talking about a country like the others; in reality, this is not so at all. Russia is a whole separate world, submissive to the will, caprice, fantasy of a single man, whether his name be Peter or Ivan, no matter – in all instances the common element is the embodiment of arbitrariness. Contrary to all the laws of the human community, Russia moves only in direction of her own enslavement and the enslavement of all the neighbouring peoples. For this reason it would be in the interest not only of other peoples but also in that of her own that she be compelled to take a new path” (in Pipes, op. cit., p. 266). Note the use of the word “compel”…
333
Walicki, op. cit., pp. 93-94.
334
Berlin, “The Man who became a Myth”, in The Power of Ideas, op. cit., pp. 85-87.
335
V. Sapov, “Gogol, Nikolai Vasilyevich”, in Russkaia Filosofia: malij entsiklopedicheskij slovar’ (Russian Philosophy: A Small Encyclopaedic Dictionary), Moscow: Nauka, 1995, pp. 132-133.
336
Andreyev, “Religioznoe litso Gogolia” (“The Religious Face of Gogol”), Pravoslavnij Put’ (The Orthodox Way), 1952, pp. 173, 174.
337
Hosking, op. cit., p. 299.
338
Andreev, op. cit., p. 175.
339
Berlin, “A Revolutionary without Fanaticism”, in The Power of Ideas, op. cit., p. 91.
340
Herzen, in Lebedev, op. cit., p. 333.
341
Herzen, From the Other Shore, 1849; in Cohen & Major, op. cit., p. 563.
342
Herzen, From the Other Shore, in Isaiah Berlin, “The Pursuit of the Ideal”, The Proper Study of Mankind, London: Pimlico, 1998, pp. 13-14.
343
Ivanov, op. cit., pp. 341-342.
344
Ivanov, op. cit., p. 342.
345
And yet he continued his revolutionary agitation against “the Galilaean”, especially in Poland. But when the Polish uprising failed in 1863, subscriptions to Kolokol fell by a factor of six times.
346
Lossky, History of Russian Philosophy, London: George Allen & Unwin, 1952, p. 58.
347
Lossky, op. cit., p. 39.
348
Pipes, op. cit., p. 17. “In 1854, however, this whole interpretation was challenged by Boris Chicherin, a leading spokesman for the so-called Westerner camp, who argued that the peasant commune as then known was neither ancient nor autochthonous in origin, but had been introduced by the Russian monarchy in the middle of the eighteenth century as a means of ensuring the collection of taxes. Until then, according to Chicherin, Russian peasants had held their land by individual households. Subsequent researches blurred the lines of the controversy. Contemporary opinion holds that the commune of the imperial period was indeed a modern institution, as Chicherin claimed, although older than he had believed. It is also widely agreed that pressure by the state and landlord played a major part in its formation. At the same time, economic factors seem also to have affected its evolution to the extent that there exists a demonstrable connection between the availability of land and communal tenure: where land is scarce, the communal form of tenure tends to prevail, but where it is abundant it is replaced by household or even family tenure” (op. cit., pp. 17-18).
349
Roy E. Campbell, “Khomiakov and Dostoyevsky: A Genesis of Ideas”, 1988 (MS).
350
Lossky, op. cit., p. 40.
351
Khomiakov, “First Letter to William Palmer”, in Birkbeck, op. cit., p. 6; Living Orthodoxy, N 138, vol. XXIII, N 6, November-December, 2003, p. 13.
352
Christoff, in Archimandrite Luke (Murianka), “Aleksei Khomiakov: A Study of the Interplay of Piety and Theology”, Orthodox Life, vol. 54, N 1, January-February, 2005, p. 11.
353
Khomiakov, The Church is One, in Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenij (Complete Works), Moscow, 1907, vol. II.
354
Khomiakov, op. cit., vol. II, 127, 139, 141; quoted in S. Khoruzhij, “Khomiakov i Printsip Sobornosti” (Khomiakov and the Principle of Sobornost’), Vestnik Russkogo Khristianskogo Dvizhenia, NN 162-163, II-III, 1991, p. 103.
355
Kusakov, “Iuridicheskaia eres’ i Pravoslavnaia Vera”, in Metropolitan Anthony (Khrapovitsky), Dogmat Iskuplenia (The Dogma of Redemption), Moscow, 1913, pp. 76-77.
356
Florovsky, “Vechnoe i prekhodiaschee v uchenii russkikh slavianofilov” (The eternal and the passing in the teaching of the Russian Slavophiles”), in Vera i Kul’tura, op. cit., p. 93.
357
Khoruzhij, op. cit., pp. 97-99.
358
Chetverikov, Elder Ambrose of Optina, Platina, CA: St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 1997, pp. 124-125.
359
Kireyevsky, Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenij, Moscow, 1861, vol. 2, p. 237; vol. 1, pp. 45, 46. Quoted in S.V. Khatunev, “Problema ‘Rossia-Evropa’ vo vzgliadiakh K.N. Leontieva (60-e gg. XIX veka)” (The Russia-Europe’ problem in the views of K.N. Leontiev (60s of the 19th century), Voprosy Istorii, 3/2006, p. 117.
360
Lazareva, “Zhizneopisanie” (“Biography”), introduction to I.V. Kireyevsky, Razum na puti k Istine (Reason on the Path to Truth), Moscow: “Pravilo very”, 2002, pp. XXXVI- XXXIX.
361
Kireyevsky, “V otvet A.S. Khomiakovu” (In Reply to A.S. Khomiakov), Razum na puti k Istine (Reason on the Path to Truth), Moscow, 2002, pp. 6-12.
362
Kireyevsky, Polnoe sobranie sochinenij (Complete Works), Moscow, 1911, vol. I, pp. 113, 246; quoted in Walicki, op. cit., pp. 94, 95.
363
Kireyevsky, quoted by Fr. Alexey Young, A Man is His Faith: Ivan Kireyevsky and Orthodox Christianity, London: St. George Information Service, 1980.
364
Kireyevsky, in Young, op. cit.
365
Kireyevsky, “O kharaktere prosveschenia Evropy i o ego otnoshenii k prosvescheniu Rossii” (On the Character of the Enlightenment of Europe and its Relationship to the Enlightenment of Russia), in Razum na puti k istine, op. cit., pp. 207-209.
366
Monk Damascene Christenson, Not of this World: The Life and Teaching of Fr. Seraphim Rose, Forestville, Ca.: Fr. Seraphim Rose Foundation, 1993, pp. 589-590
367
Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, 1873, London: Cassell, p. 7.
368
Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, 1873, pp. 148-149, 151.
369
Ivanov, op. cit., pp. 337-338.
370
Quoted in Andrezj Walicki, A History of Russian Thought, Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1988, pp. 157-58.
Geir Kjetsaa, Fyodor Dostoyevsky, London: Macmillan, 1987, p. 63.
373
Dostoyevsky, in Kjetsaa, op. cit., p. 105.
374
Fr. Sergius Chetverikov, Elder Ambrose of Optina, Platina, Ca.: St. Herman of Alaska Brotherhood, 1997, p. 213.
375
Dostoyevsky, The Diary of a Writer, 1880.
376
Dostoyevsky, in K. Mochulsky, Dostoyevsky: His Life and Work, Princeton, 1967.
377
Dostoyevsky, “The Utopian Conception of History”, The Diary of a Writer, June, 1876, London: Cassell, pp. 360-362.
378
Tikhomirov, Monarkhicheskaia Gosudarstvennost’, St. Petersburg, 1992, p. 310.
379
Florovsky writes that the Slavophiles “opposed their ‘socialism’ to the statism of West European thought, both in its absolutist-monarchist and in its constitutional-democratic varieties” (“The Eternal and the Passing in the Teaching of the Russian Slavophiles”, in Vera i Kul’tura, p. 95).
380
Lossky, op. cit., pp. 35-36.
381
Alferov, “Ob Uderzhanii i Simfonii” (On Restraining and Symphony), http://www.monarhist-spb.narod.ru/D-ST/Dionisy-1.htm, p. 11.
382
Kireyevsky, “Ob otnoshenii k tsarskoj vlasti” (On the relationship to Tsarist power), in Razum na puti k istine, op. cit., pp. 51-53, 62.
383
Kireyevsky, in L.A. Tikhomirov, “I.V. Kireyevsky”, Kritika Demokratii (A Critique of Democracy), Moscow, 1997, pp. 520-521.
384
As Demetrius Merezhkovsky expressed it, Tiutchev put bones into the soft body of Slavophilism, crossed its ‘t’s and dotted its ‘i’s (Dve tajny russkoj poezii. Nekrasov i Tiutchev (Two Mysteries of Russian Poetry. Nekrasov and Tiutchev), St. Petersburg, 1915).
385
Tiutchev (1849), in Fomin & Fomina, op. cit., vol. I, p. 327.
386
Tiutchev, “Rossia i revoliutsia” (Russia and the Revolution), Politicheskie Stat'i (Political Articles), Paris: YMCA Press, 1976, pp. 32-36.
387
Tiutchev, “O tsenzure v Rossii” (On Censorship in Russia).
388
Aksakov, in Almond, op. cit., p. 104.
389
Lossky, op. cit., pp. 44-45.
390
Tiutchev, Nash Vek (Our Age).
391
Tiutchev, translated in Christensen, op. cit., p. 645.
392
Walicki, op. cit., pp. 96-97.
393
Walicki, op. cit., pp. 97-98.
394
Tsimbursky, in Fomin & Fomina, op. cit., vol. I, p. 327.
Zenkovsky, "Staroobriadchestvo, Tserkov' i Gosudarstvo" (Old Ritualism, the Church and the State), Russkoe Vozrozhdenie (Russian Regeneration), 1987 - I, pp. 93-94.
397
Metropolitan Ioann (Snychev), Zhizn' i Deiatel'nost' Filareta, Mitropolita Moskovskogo, Tula, 1994, p. 319.
398
"In 1866 Patriarch Anthimus of Constantinople wrote an epistle to Metropolitan Joseph of Karlovtsy, in which he wrote the following about Metropolitan Ambrose: 'The hierarch whom we are discussing, being considered subject to trial because of his flight, canonically cannot carry out hierarchical actions'" (Archbishop Nicon (Rlitsky), Zhizneopisanie Blazhennejshago Antonia, Mitropolitan Kievskago i Galitskago (Life of his Beatitude Anthony, Metropolitan of Kiev and Galich), volume 3, New York, 1957, p. 167). (V.M.)
399
Dobroklonsky, op. cit., pp. 702-703. For more on Bishop Ambrose, see S.G. Wurgaft, I.A. Ushakov, Staroobriadchestvo (Old Ritualism), Moscow: "Tserkov'”, 1996, pp. 18-22.
400
George Frazee, "Skeptical Reformer, Staunch Tserkovnik: Metropolitan Philaret and the Great Reforms", in Vladimir Tsurikov (ed.), Philaret, Metropolitan of Moscow 1782-1867, Jordanville: Variable Press, 2003, pp. 169-170.
401
Snychev, op. cit., p. 359.
402
Nicols, “Filaret of Moscow as an Ascetic” in J. Breck, J. Meyendorff and E. Silk (eds.), The Legacy of St Vladimir, Crestwood, N.Y.: St. Vladimir’s Seminary Press, 1990, p. 81.
403
Snychev, Zhizn' i Deiatel'nost' Filareta, Mitropolita Moskovskogo (The Life and Activity of Metropolitan Philaret of Moscow), Tula, 1994, p. 177.
404
V. Shokhin, "Svt. Philaret, mitropolit Moskovskij i 'shkola veruiushchego razuma' v russkoj filosofii" ("Metropolitan Philaret of Moscow and the 'school of believing reason' in Russian philosophy"), Vestnik Russkogo Khristianskogo Dvizhenia (Herald of the Russian Christian Movement), 175, I-1997, p. 97.
405
"Already in the reign of Alexander I the hierarch used to submit the thought of the restoration of Local Councils and the division on the Russian Church into nine metropolitan areas. At the command of Emperor Alexander he had even composed a project and given it to the members of the Synod for examination. But the Synod rejected the project, declaring: 'Why this project, and why have you not spoken to us about it?' 'I was ordered [to compose it]' was all that the hierarch could reply, 'and speaking about it is not forbidden'" (Snychev, op. cit., pp. 226). (V.M.)
406
Florovsky, "Philaret, mitropolit Moskovskij" (Philaret, Metropolitan of Moscow), in Vera i Kul'tura (Faith and Culture), St. Petersburg, 2002, pp. 261-264.
407
Metropolitan Philaret, quoted in Lev Regelson, Tragedia Russkoj Tservki, 1917-1945 (The Tragedy of the Russian Church, 1917-1945), Paris: YMCA Press, 1977, pp. 24-25.
408
Metropolitan Philaret, Sochinenia (Works), 1848 edition, volume 2, p. 169.
409
Metropolitan Philaret, "Slovo v den' Blagochestivejshego Gosudaria Imperatora Nikolaia Pavlovich" (Sermon on the day of his Most Pious Majesty Emperor Nicholas Pavlovich), in Kozlov, op. cit., pp. 274-275, 277-279.
410
Nicols, op. cit., pp. 83-84.
411
Philip Mansel, Constantinople, London: Penguin, 1995, p. 268.
412
Royle, Crimea: The Great Crimean War 1854-1856, London: Abacus, 1999, pp. 15, 17.
413 Royle, op. cit., 19-20.
414 Royle, op. cit., p. 52.
415
Tiutcheva, Pri Dvore Dvukh Imperatorov (At the Court of Two Emperors), Moscow, 1990, p. 52; in N.Yu. Selischev, "K 150-letiu nachala Krymskoj vojny" (Towards the 150th Anniversary of the Crimean War), Pravoslavnaia Rus' (Orthodox Rus'), N 24 (1741), December 15/28, 2003, p. 11.
416
Palmerston, in Philip Bobbitt, The Shield of Achilles, London: Penguin, 2002, p. 181.
417
Khomiakov, Polnoe Sobranie Sochinenij (Complete Works), Moscow, 1994, vol. II, pp. 74-75; in Selischev, op. cit., pp. 10-11.
418
Ivanov, op. cit., p. 327.
419
Hieroschemamonk Feofil, Jordanville: Holy Trinity Monastery, 1970, pp. 108, 111.
420
Orlov, in Selischev, op. cit., p. 12.
421
Metropolitan Philaret, in Selischev, op. cit., p. 13.
422
Oliver Figes, Crimea, London: Allen Lane, 2010, p. 397.
423
See "Zhitie sviatitelia Innokentia Khersonskogo" ("The Life of the holy Hierarch Innocent of Cherson"), in Zhitia i Tvorenia Russikh Sviatykh (The Lives and Works of the Russian Saints),Moscow, 2001, pp. 701-702. Archbishop Innocent of Kherson and Odessa, within whose jurisdiction the Crimea fell, had had sermons "widely circulated to the Russian troops in the form of pamphlets and illustrated prints (lubki). Innocent portrayed the conflict as a 'holy war' for the Crimea, the centre of the nation's Orthodox identity, where Christianity had arrived in Russia. Highlighting the ancient heritage of the Greek Church in the peninsula, he depicted the Crimea as a 'Russian Athos', a sacred place in the 'Holy Russian Empire' connected by religion to the monastic centre of Orthodoxy on the peninsula of Mount Athos in northeastern Greece. With [Governor] Stroganov's support, Innocent oversaw the creation of a separate bishopric for the Crimea as well as the establishment of several new monasteries in the peninsula after the Crimean War" (Figes, op. cit., p. 423). However, in the end it was on the other side of the Black Sea, in Abkhazia, that the great monastery of New Athos was constructed shortly before the First World War.