[CT]introduction
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Chap9.txt [CN]9 [CT]European and Indian Influence [GT]European travelers began to visit Iran with increased frequency from the late fifteenth century onward. Some came to form alliances against the Ottomans, some traveled on ambassadorial missions, and others came for trade. By the time of Shāh `Abbās I (r. 1588-1629), who had established his own important textile mills in Esfahān, whole communities of Armenians had been brought to the city to improve the quality of production and to participate in the export of goods. Trade with the West was actively encouraged and highly valued, as the revenues of the royal treasury depended on it. In the context of increased contact with the West, Persian painting, highly stylized and rooted in two-dimensional representation, was forced to confront the naturalism, perspective, and documentary aspects that were now mainstays of European painting. Exposure to this very different tradition came directly, through contact with European painters or their work, and indirectly, through Mughal works that bore the influence of European conventions. Recent studies have identified a number of foreign painters at the court of the Safavids. For instance, Shāh `Abbās I engaged two European painters to decorate the walls of his palaces in Esfahān; one was a Greek named Jules, trained in Italy, the other a Dutchman called John.767 In the time of Shāh `Abbās II (r. 1642-66), Philippe Angel, a painter and engraver, and an artist named Lockar were sent by the Dutch East India Company to teach painting to the young ruler.768 Mughal India also had its share of foreign contact with European painters, paintings, and engravings. Although the Mughal school was initiated by the arrival of Persian painters in India in the mid-sixteenth century, it gradually evolved toward a more realistic mode of figural representation, a tendency especially apparent in portraiture, which was a primary concern of Mughal artists. Unlike the idealized faces drawn by the Persian painter, Mughal painters sought to capture true likenesses. As contact between Iran and India remained active throughout the seventeenth century, with frequent ambassadorial exchanges, extended trade, and constant communication between Persian immigrants and their homeland, a certain degree of Mughal influence in Persian painting was inevitable (see cat. nos. 145, 146, 151). Despite being assailed both directly and indirectly by this naturalistic impulse, Persian painting remained strongly rooted in its cultural tendency toward idealized representation. It borrowed certain techniques of European paintings: a tentative use of facial modeling, partial perspective, and European-style landscape elements. The confrontation between the two modes of paintings and the subsequent evolution of Persian painting is best exemplified by comparison of two celebrated artists, `Ali-Qoli Beyg Jebādār and Mohammad-Zamān, active in the second half of the seventeenth century. Before their advent, however, a fascination in certain circles with India had prepared the ground for the introduction of a limited realism in painting.
[SH1]Fascination with India [GT]By the mid-seventeenth century, Safavid power was in decline, and the Mughal court had gained in opulence. An attraction developed for the subjects and style of Indian painting, which still endured a quarter of a century later, when `Ali-Qoli was copying the works of the Indian painter Govardhan.769 The artist most associated with the blending of Indian and Persian painting is Shaykh `Abbāsi, although Bahrām-e Sofrékesh, another contemporary artist, lesser known and hitherto unrecognized as a Persian painter, was perhaps the actual initiator.770 Breaking away from the dominant style Rezā-e `Abbāsi had established fifty years earlier, both artists practiced a charming form of realistic, yet stylized, figurative painting. Exotic elements of Indian painting and Indian prototypes--as conceived by the Persian painter--such as Indian dress (cat. no. 146) or the convention depicting a line of flying birds (cat. no. 151) found their way into Persian scenes, and the delicate pointillism introduced by `Ali-Qoli and Mohammad-Zamān (see cat. no. 145) would continue well into the Zand (1750-94) and Qājār (1774-1924) periods.771 This trend is even more remarkable in light of the continuing dominance of Rezā's pupils such as Afzal, Mohammad-Qāsem, Mo`in-e Mosavver, and Mohammad-`Ali (see above, pp. 00-00). Cat. No. 145. [CPT]TWO LOVERS [CPB]Signed by Bahrām-e Sofrékesh Probably Esfahān, dated A.H. 1050/1640 Opaque watercolor and gold on paper Painting 17.3 x 10.5 cm
Bahrām-e Sofrékesh had a subtle understanding of weight and balance, as evidenced by the complex yet graceful position of the "Indian" maiden and the depiction of her hand on her lover's shoulder, as his hand draws the resisting girl's head for a kiss. Despite the small size of the figures, the details are immaculate. A distinctive attempt was made to increase the sense of realism by using minute pointillism to add modeling. The depiction of two lovers kissing seems to be a new subject in Persian painting. But the most unusual feature of the work is its fantastic composition, which places the two lovers under an oversized branch with huge blossoms and a large butterfly. (Blossoms and butterflies are the usual companions of lovers in Persian poetry.)772 The large-scale motifs seem to emphasize the poetical nature of this romantic union. Following Bahrām's example, painters such as Shafi`-e `Abbāsi used the oversized branch in their compositions (see cat. no. 127), but never so daringly or dominantly as here. The young man's typical Persian attire, the woman's Persian trousers, and the fact that the large branch was to become a much-copied model at the Safavid court situate the painter in Iran and not in India, as the inclusion of the Indian girl might otherwise suggest. Information on the innovative Bahrām-e Sofrékesh is nonexistent, and the enigmatic epithet Sofrékesh does not give any additional clues. A more familiar term is Sofré-chi, the superintendent for the royal kitchens; Sofrékesh might be a related word. Only one other signed work by Bahrām, also dated A.H. 1050/1640, has been published (Sadruddin Aga Khan collection).773 It depicts an idealized Indian woman holding a flat-bottomed ewer, similar to the one seen here. In composition the work is rather subdued, especially in comparison to another painting in the same collection, Floral Fantasy (fig. 50), a virtual hallucinatory vision which is attributed here to Bahrām. The latter two paintings have previously been attributed to the Deccan, but the association with cat. no. 145 suggests that they be reestablished as Persian. The limited number of Bahrām's dated works, all concentrated about 1640, might indicate the painter's death shortly after this date. A few disciples such as Shaykh `Abbāsi or even Shafi`-e `Abbāsi might have perpetuated his style into the next generation. Whatever the process of transmission, his legacy was kept alive for many generations.
Published: Drouot (Boisgirard), June 24, 1982, lot 69 Cat. No. 146. [CPT]MAIDEN STANDING UNDER A WILLOW TREE [CPB]Signed by Shaykh `Abbāsi Probably Esfahān, dated A.H. 1057/1647 Ink, light color, and gold on paper Drawing 12.5 x 6 cm [GT]Although a large number of Shaykh `Abbāsi's signed works have been identified, details of his life are obscure, except for the fact that he was attached to the courts of Shāh `Abbās II and his successor, Shāh Soleymān (r. 1666-94).774 His signature does not reveal his name; `Abbāsi means "affiliated to the court of `Abbās," and "Shaykh" was an epithet denoting a religious leader of the Sufi tradition, most probably of the Shi`a faith, as indicated by the names of the artist's two sons, Mohammad-Taqi and `Ali-Naqi, named after the tenth and the eleventh imams of the Shi`a. Shaykh `Abbāsi's Sufi affiliation is further confirmed by the legend he used as a signature: "bahā gereft cho gardid Shaykh `Abbāsi." The legend has a double meaning: "The Shaykh's honor was enhanced when [he became] affiliated to the court of `Abbās" and/or "Shaykh `Abbāsi was enlightened as he performed the whirling," referring to the whirling, ecstatic dance of the Sufi dervishes, which leads them to divine contemplation and a state of enlightenment. This drawing appears to bear the earliest date of Shaykh `Abbāsi's known works. The willow tree, the floral decoration surrounding the maiden, and the raised heel on the left foot reveal that his drawing is still based on the conventions of the traditional Rezā school. His technique has evolved into a slightly more realistic mode in which rounded surfaces and volumes, on the face as well as the body and dress, are depicted by means of pointillism. An intriguing aspect of this painting and a number of others from this school is the choice of an Indian maiden in an otherwise Persian setting. Besides a general fascination with the splendor of the Indian courts, the emphasis on the depiction of Indian women, almost to the exclusion of other aspects of Indian life, might have had another source. As religious bigotry grew in the Safavid state, worldly pleasures were restricted, and Persian women were increasingly sequestered and concealed behind veils. Artists might have seen paintings with Indian women shown in traditional transparent dress that exposed substantial flesh and might also have heard of the relative freedom Indian women enjoyed. The image of the beloved, that idealized beauty of Persian poetry, was now projected as a sensuous and idealized Indian convention, perhaps a projection of an exotic vision or even sexual fantasy. The quest for idealization could also explain the inaccurate depiction of the Indian dress.775
Cat. No. 147. [CPT]NOSTALGIC PRINCE [CPB]Possibly by Shaykh `Abbāsi Probably Esfahān, ca. 1650 Ink on paper Drawing 9.7 x 6.3 cm
Compared with the prevailing style practiced by followers of Rezā-e `Abbāsi (e.g., cat. no. 123), this work exemplifies the new tendency toward more realistic portraiture. [PP]Published: Sotheby's, Oct. 10, 1977, lot 139 [SH1]`Ali-Qoli Beyg Jebādār and Mohammad-Zamān [GT]The movement toward realistic painting received a major impetus with the advent of two talented painters at the court of Shāh `Abbās II (r. 1642-66), `Ali-Qoli Beyg Jebādār and Mohammad-Zamān, both of whom were active until the end of the century. `Ali-Qoli was European by birth, and although trained in the European tradition, his style gradually evolved toward Persian ideals. Mohammad-Zamān was Persian born and trained, and he in turn gravitated toward a Europeanizing style. Very little biographical information exists for either of them; most of our knowledge is derived from the content of their works. An entry on `Ali-Qoli's grandson by the eighteenth-century painter/chronicler Abol-Hasan-e Ghefāri-ye Kāshāni describes the grandfather as farangi, a term generally used to designate a European.777 In one of his signatures, `Ali-Qoli used the epithet Arna'ut (the Ottoman appellation of Albania), which may confirm his specific European origins.778 His usual epithet, Jebādār (Keeper of the Armory), is originally a Chaghatāy Turkish term transformed by the Safavid period into jebédār and sometimes misread as jobbédār. The latter spelling was never incorporated in `Ali-Qoli's signature but was sometimes used by others in attributing a painting to him.779 He used still another term in some of his signatures: "Gholām-zādé-ye qadimi" (son of a longtime slave [to the king]), which suggests it was actually the artist's father who joined the services of the shāh. The name `Ali-Qoli (One Who Likes `Ali, the patron saint of the Sufis) and the word hova (he) at the beginning of certain of his signature-legends indicate a close association with Sufi circles. Considering that the span of `Ali-Qoli's works stretches into the eighteenth century, his two works with legends referring to Shāh `Abbās II must be considered among his earliest. One, in the so-called Leningrad Album (Institute of Oriental Studies, St. Petersburg, fol. 77), showing a gathering of Mughal warriors listening to a sage, was painted in Mughal style or copied after a Mughal work.780 The other is a portrait of the three sons of Charles I of England, copied after a European print of an original painting by Van Dyck.781 At this stage his manner was still very much European, and to this period belongs Woman by a Fountain (cat. no. 148). By the end of the reign of Shāh `Abbās II, `Ali-Qoli's style had become increasingly idealized and two dimensional (see cat. no. 149), and by the last quarter of the century its Persianization was at its height (see cat. no. 150). Mohammad-Zamān seems to have been trained in the Persian tradition; perhaps under the influence of two of his predecessors, Bahrām-e Sofrékesh and Shaykh `Abbāsi, he also experimented with the realistic mode.782 That he was never trained in the European mode is evident in his awkward drawing of draperies and clothing folds (see cat. no. 151). In the same way, `Ali-Qoli's mastery in the depiction of faces is greater than Mohammad-Zamān's, primarily because of his more thorough understanding of modeling. Conversely, `Ali-Qoli's figures seem to float and are overwhelmed by the background landscape, while Mohammad-Zamān's are solidly positioned in the field, their full weight sensed by the viewer. Cat. No. 148. [CPT]WOMAN BY A FOUNTAIN [CPB]Signed by `Ali-Qoli Beyg Jebādār Possibly Esfahān, ca. 1660 Opaque watercolor on paper Page 32 x 20.5 cm, painting 18 x 11.5 cm [GT]This scene, painted in an Italianate style with architecture in the foreground and vignettes in the background landscape, corresponds to the early period of `Ali-Qoli's activity and presents many similarities with the two paintings of the Shāh `Abbās II period described above. The most apparent affinity is in the drawing of the tree and the depiction of the leaves with the Leningrad Album page, and the treatment of the face in comparison to `Ali-Qoli's portrait of the children of Charles I. [PP]Provenance: Binney collection Published: Sotheby's, Dec. 6, 1967; A. Welch, Shah `Abbas and the Arts of Isfahan (New York: Asia House Gallery, 1973), no. 74; Robinson (Colnaghi), no. 61 Cat. No. 149. [CPT]BĀBOR KISSING THE HAND OF SHĀH ESMĀ`IL [CPB]By `Ali-Qoli Beyg Jebādār, ca. 1665 Album margin probably by Mohammad-Bāqer, early 19th century Opaque watercolor and gold on paper, mounted on an album page Page 21 x 33.5 cm, painting 17.5 x 27.2 cm [GT]The inscription at the bottom of the painting reads: [EX]
By the order of His Holy Highness, the portrait of the noble and exalted prince, Bābor Shāh, who was honored in kissing the hand of the auspicious Khāqān with the dignity of Alexander, Shāh Esma`il, his greatness immense as the sky and his power mighty as the universe, may God illuminate his teachings, was completed by the humble slave `Ali-Qoli Jebādār within a year and a half of work. [GT] Bābor, the first Mughal emperor and a descendant of Teymur, had requested Shāh Esmā`il I's help in capturing Samarkand [when?]. Esmā`il well understood the political value of the conversion of a Teymurid, traditionally staunch public defenders of the Sunni faith. He obliged by providing military assistance, but with the stipulation that Bābor convert to Shi`ism and wear the tāj-e Haydari, the symbol of the Safavid movement.783 Bābor wore the tāj after the conquest of Samarkand;784 included the name of the Twelve Imams in the Friday sermon; and struck coins in the name of Shāh Esmā`il incorporating Shi`a legends.785 But such affirmation of Shi`ism was not tolerable to the Sunni population of Samarkand, who invited the Ozbaks to evict Bābor. Bābor remained an ally to the Safavids in fighting the Ozbaks until the defeat of their joint forces in Ghojdavān. The historical fact is that Bābor, for all his dealings with Shāh Esmā`il, had never been in his presence, let alone kissed his hand in obeisance. This portrayal could have been intended to reinforce Safavid myths and aspirations by insinuating that even the founder of the Mughal dynasty was subservient to the Safavid rule. The rather odd horizontal format of the painting in conjunction with the rectangular cartouche in the bottom center (perhaps the upper part of a doorway) suggests it might have been a prototype for a palace wall-painting, much like those in the reception hall of the `Āliqāpu palace of Esfahān, where foreign ambassadors were received. In that case the intention might have been to make a political statement for the benefit of both courtiers and emissaries. This attitude is in sharp contrast with the generally courteous tone that had prevailed in Safavid-Mughal relations.786 Ever since Shāh Tahmāsb helped the Mughal ruler Homāyun to regain his throne in 1544, the exchange of ambassadors and political correspondence had been mutually respectful.787 The change expressed in this painting occurred toward the end of Shāh `Abbās II's reign. During the contention for succession to Shāh Jahān's throne, Shāh `Abbās had lent his support to the Mughal prince Morādbakhsh, who was defeated and killed by his brother Owrangzib. Owrangzib's Sunni policies were at odds with the Shi`ism championed by the Safavids and their sectarian allies, the Qotb Shāhs of the Deccan. Although Shāh `Abbās II also used many grandiloquent titles, he was annoyed that the Mughal emperor had appropriated the title `Ālamgir (World Conqueror).788 Owrangzib prudently sent an ambassador, Tarbiat Khān, to restore goodwill. He reached the capital of Esfahān in April 1664 and was well received at first. But the shāh's attitude soon changed; he ridiculed the ambassador and his master, finally sending him back to India in March 1666 with an insulting letter for the emperor. That same year, Shāh `Abbās II decided to attack India but died before his plans could be carried out.789 This painting was probably executed in Shāh `Abbās's last years, when the mood at the Persian court had turned against Owrangzib. According to `Ali-Qoli, the painting was ordered by the shāh himself. Stylistically it has many features of the paintings executed in the atelier of Shāh `Abbās II, including the distinctive Qezelbāsh headgear topped by a baton.790 The work is very Persianized and shows much less European influence than Woman by a Fountain (cat. no. 148). Floral margins were added when the work was included with other paintings and calligraphies in an album.791
Published: Drouot, June 13, 1982, no. 15 Cat. No. 150. [CPT]SAFAVID NOBLEMAN [CPB]Signed by `Ali-Qoli (`Ali-Qoli Beyg Jebādār) Probably Esfahān, ca. 1670 Opaque watercolor on paper Painting 7.5 x 4.8 cm [GT]This intense portrait is painted in a realistic mode nonexistent in Persian painting only a few decades earlier. The signature on the lower left corner is partially erased, but the name "`Ali-Qoli" appears distinctly, written in the usual manner with the ending of the last "yā" looping backward. Among `Ali-Qoli's particular characteristics are the scrolling shape of the clouds (similar to cat. no. 149) and the elongated leaves appearing on the balcony horizon, reminiscent of the earlier Woman by a Fountain (cat. no. 148). [PP]Provenance: V. Everit Macy collection Published: Sotheby's, May 19, 1982, lot 110 Cat. No. 151. [CPT]MAJNUN VISITED BY HIS FATHER [CPB]Signed by Mohammad-Zamān Page intended for the Shāh Tahmāsb Khamsé Ashraf, Māzandarān, dated A.H. 1086/1676 Opaque watercolor on paper Illustration 27 x 19 cm
The painting is an illustration to Nezāmi's famous story of the love of Layla and Majnun. Prevented from seeing his beloved, Majnun wanders in the desert, where his sole companions are wild animals. The episode depicted shows Majnun's father, who comes to take his son on a pilgrimage to Mecca, hoping that the journey will relieve Majnun's despair. In conformity with the new Europeanizing taste, Mohammad-Zamān filled the horizon with a landscape of trees and a monument. But in concession to the desert location, the monument is a ruined arch; transport is by camel; and leaves are yellowish and dry. There is a timid use of perspective in the representation of the distant landscape, but the artist basically adhered to traditional Persian two-dimensional conventions by depicting near objects at the bottom and distant ones at the top of the picture plane, without changing scale or dimension. As in ancient Egyptian figural representation, the animals' eyes are depicted frontally, despite their profile postures. The "realistic" faces are more Indian than European, and the distant flight of birds, configured as a line at the top left and so characteristic of Mughal paintings, betrays Indian influence. Written on the ground before the dog, Zamān's signature reads: "Brought to completion in the city of Ashraf. Mohammad-Zamān. 1086." Ashraf, in the province of Māzandarān by the Caspian Sea, is modern-day Behshāhr, and there the Safavid palace of Safiābād still stands. Judging by inscriptions on two other paintings dated A.H. 1086/1676 for the same Khamsé, stating the place of execution as Ashraf, Mohammad-Zamān's stay there, probably as part of the royal retinue, must have been quite lengthy.793
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