Darjeeling-dooars


EVOLUTION OF NATIONAL (ITY) CONSCIOUSNESS



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EVOLUTION OF NATIONAL (ITY) CONSCIOUSNESS
National consciousness, instead of being the all-embracing crystallization of the innermost hopes of the whole people, instead of being the immediate and most obvious result of the mobilization of the people, will be in any case only an empty shell, a crude and fragile travesty of what it might have been.

Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth.


The great political upheaval caused by the division of Bengal in 1905 had its flashes in Darjeeling too. It is on record that secret organisations such as Sadhana Samity, Sarhid Samity and Anushilan Samity etc. were in function in Bengal against the imperialist. The secret organisations were operated by some of the revolutionaries of the then Calcutta. A similar type of organisation having a political tinge named Gorkha Samity Library was believed to have functioned in Darjeeling by evading the eyes of the Intelligence Department of the British during those days. The functioning of Gorkha Library Samity was followed by the formation of Gorkha Hill Community on 8th June, 1913 by some intellectuals at Kurseong. Later on the Gorkha Hill Community is found to have been converted into Gorkha Jana Pustakalaya. Till today it is in existence and functioning as the first and oldest organisation of intellectuals of Darjeeling in India. It seemed that the intellectual chord of the elite of Darjeeling was moved on being acquainted with the movement down in the plains against the partition of Bengal. In spite of being inspired from the movement of the plains the elite and intellectuals of Darjeeling are found to have started expressing the political and administrative urges as a developing nationality of India from the region in their own style. The fact and subject requires a thorough study and research. When they were following a tract for expression in an organised way, the first conflagration of destruction named as First World War in the history of civilization engulfed the human realm. The Nepali speaking Gorkha Community numbering two lakhs also got engaged defending the empire where the SUN had remained ever shining. During this war Gorkha Soldier earned the recognition and reputation of being the Brave of the Bravest and invincible as a result of the sacrifice of the lives of five thousand and injury to twenty thousand Gorkha Soldiers. At the close of the First World War the Gorkha soldiers earned the applause and recognition from across the globe. At about the same time Darjeeling was trasnforming into an epicenter of socio-politico consciousness of the Nepali Speaking Gorkhas in India. The three ethnic groups "Lepchas, Bhutias and Gorkhas representing the opinion of the people of the Darjeeling" were found to have made a joint political body for the first time. As in the capacity of the "representatives of Darjeeling District" on 8th November, 1917 they had submitted a memorandum to the Chief Secretary, Government of Bengal, demanding "creation of a separate unit". The signatories of the memorandum were: "Bhutia-S.W. Ladenla, Lepcha- Dr. Yen Singh Sitling, Nepali-Khadga Bahadur Chhetri, Prem Kumar Kumai, Meghbir Singh, Lachuman Singh, Narprasad Kumai, Deonidhi Upadhyaya and others." The memorandum contained a demand for Separate Administrative Arrangement for the region comprising the whole of Darjeeling district and the portion of the areas taken from Bhutan in 1865 and tagged to Jalpaiguri. The demand of the representatives of Darjeeling District is found to have been based on the incontrovertible data and facts of distinctiveness of the history, culture and geography of the place which being the homeland of the nationalities speaking and following entirely different language, custom, tradition and mindset to that of Bengal. The demand is regarded as the expression of the first political aspiration of the people and place. In spite of the Memorandum being the first document of political demand made from Darjeeling, it is widely accepted that first political demand for having their own homeland was raised in the year 1907 by the leaders of hill people of Darjeeling. The mover of the demand of the hill people was to be understood as the representatives of Lepcha, Bhotia and the Gorkhas. The raising of the demand in the year 1907 was mentioned in a memorandum submitted to the Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru during his visit to Kalimpong on 29th August, 1952 by the President of All India Gorkha league, Sri Narbahadur Gurung. While tracing the political aspiration of the people of Darjeeling Sri Narbahadur Gurung is found to have stated that "as long ago as 1907 before the Morley-Minto Reform, the leaders of the Hill people of Darjeeling submitted a memorial to the British Government demanding a separate administrative setup for the District of Darjeeling". The copy of that "memorial" has not been seen in Darjeeling and same may be lying concealed in dust in the archives of Delhi and London. The region for which the demand of separate administrative setup was made by the Hill people in 1907 is found to have already been segregated from Bengal during its division in 1905. As a place Darjeeling in the then Bengal, had been segregated and tagged with BHAGALPUR OF RAJSHAI DIVISION in 1905 but at the time the annulment of the division of Bengal, the region again got reverted to Bengal. Thus it is evident that the Hill people were not happy even being tagged with Bhagalpur having a little affinity of language but difference in culture, tradition and historical identity. Hence, they might have submitted the "memorials" so as to have the political power and authority for carrying socio-political activities in a manner as enjoyed by other people elsewhere during the time. From the time of the submission of memorandum by the leaders of hill people of Darjeeling in 1907, the region and its people are found to have been persistently making prayers and representation, to the various authorities, for having a separate administrative arrangement. The most important thrust for the separate administrative arrangement since 1917 is given for the separation of the region from the administrative and political clutches of Bengal on the fact of the distinctiveness of history, geography, language, culture, tradition, behaviour and mindset of the people. In the modern parlance, the separate administrative arrangement is to be understood a Separate State in India as per the provision of the Constitution in force.

In the direction of the persuasion of the case for separation of the region from Bengal "meetings were organised and petitions were signed. One meeting on 13th March 1920 was attended and supported by many of the European tea-planters and other residents of the District". In spite of support by the European tea-planters also for the separation of Darjeeling from Bengal, it was kept with Bengal against the wishes of the people even under the reforms measures put forward by Montague-Chelmsford Reforms in 1919. Darjeeling District was treated as a Backward Tract and had proposed its exclusion in the execution of some of the developmental activities under the provision of the MONTAGUE-CHELMSFORD REFORM, 1919. On learning about it, the representatives of Bhotia, Lepcha and Nepali of Darjeeling District had sent a petition to Edwin Montague, the Secretary of state for India, London on 11th February 1920. The petition stated that "It appears to us that our case has been somewhat obscured by including it in the Despatch under 'Backward Tracts', and our prayer for separation from Bengal has been misunderstood as regards exclusion from general Reform Scheme. We had merely prayed for the creation of a New Hill Province of our own with fullest possible measure of Reform Scheme as granted elsewhere in India. As regards the inclusion of our District among 'Backward Tracts', we disclaim the description altogether. In some respects ours is an advanced Tract and is in no way inferior to any other community, our people are as vigorous as any under the Government of India, the percentage of the literate population is well above the average for the Presidency. We would, therefore, emphasise our desire for the fullest possible measure of the Reform Scheme to enable us to contribute most effectively to the welfare of India and the British Empire" The petition further in support of a separate administrative unit states that "The comparatively small population of our district may be urged as an argument against constituting it a separate unit. But our population is increasing at a phenomenal rate and it is more for our descendants than for ourselves that we are so earnest in the matter. Moreover, if our original proposal be adopted, namely, that the portion of Jalpaiguri District which (along with the Kalimpong Sub-Division) was annexed from Bhutan in 1865, should be excluded from Jalpaiguri and included in our unit, then, we should have a population about as large as that of New Zealand" ( Nicholas and Deki). Sadly the petition could not disengage Darjeeling District and the Dooars from the political and administrative scrabble of Bengal.



After the submission of the above memorandum for the separation of the region from Bengal, several major political events took place. Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was emerging as the soul of the freedom movement in India. When his Non-Cooperation Movement took a violent shape at Chaurichaura, Gandhiji suspended the movement. The stalwarts of Congress Messers Motilal Nehru and Chittaranjan Das, being dissatisfied on the suspension of the movement by Gandhiji, were inclined to continue the freedom struggle in a way different to that of Gandhiji. The subscribers of the line of the two stalwarts were called "pro-changers". The "pro-changers" founded SWARAJ PARTY in 1922. The Swaraj Party after winning the Calcutta Corporation election, Chittaranjan Das became its first Mayor in 1924. The next year he came to Darjeeling with a desire to recorporate from his failing health and "on his arrival at the Railway Station Darjeeling on 16th April, 1925 he was welcomed by a large crowd" {Sanjay}. When Chittaranjan Das was in Darjeeling, the soul and conscience of the independent movement, Mahatma Gandhi also landed in Darjeeling and had stayed for five days with him. During the sojourn of Gandhiji in Darjeeling the representatives of Darjeeling, who were pressing the Government for the separation of the District from Bengal, had not made it a point to meet and apprise the exigency of separation, but a school teacher Paras Mani Pradhan, who in the meeting of Planters Association, European Association, the representatives of people of Darjeeling and others held on 13th March, 1920, had vehemently opposed the PROPOSAL FOR SEPARATION OF THE DISTRICT FROM BENGAL, MET GANDHIJI IN DARJEELING. It becomes clear that the representatives of Darjeeling who were making forays with memorandums for the separation of the area from Bengal had conviction and faith of getting justice from the British. The Congress Party led by Dalbahadur Giri since 1918 was spear-heading the freedom struggle in Darjeeling was also adverse to the proposal forwarded by the representatives of the people of Darjeeling. Might from the dawn, the aspiration of having a separate administrative setup by severing the unnatural politico-administrative umbilical chord had its opponent. The umbilical chord today has become an unnatural excrescence from the body of Darjeeling for its people. In spite of lacking support for the separate Administrative arrangement for Darjeeling from the erstwhile political leadership, Dalbahadur Giri and teacher Parasmani Pradhan, the informal body termed as representatives of the people of Darjeeling gradually turned into a concrete form of Hill men's Association for pursuing the issue more vigorously. Thus the newly formed Hill Men's Associations of Darjeeling and Kalimpong along with Gurkha Officer's Association and the Gurkha Library of Kurseong submitted a JOINT MEMORANDUM to Sir Samuel Hoare, P.C, G.B.E, C.M.G, the Secretary of State for India, London, on 25th October, 1930 for formation of a separate administrative set up for Darjeeling District. This memorandum also had the same fate as that of earlier submissions. The political scenario of India was developing with rapid stride on account of the intensified movement for Independence of the country. The British with a view to lengthening the tenure of their rule in India had been taking measures one after another. Among those measures, the years "between 1930-1932 three consecutive Round Table Conferences were held in London, and on the basis of the discussions held in those Conferences, the British Parliament passed an act which came to be known as the "Government of India Act, 1935." (Chaudhuri). When the Act was brewing, there was apprehension and also anxiety of the possibility of overlooking the long cherished desire of the people of Darjeeling as "there was no one at the Round Table Conference and subsequent Select Committees in London to voice the cause of this band of loyal and devoted people living in mountain fastnesses on the spurs of the Himalayas" (Hillmen's Memorandum). Hence, the Hill Men's Association as its last effort is found to have made representation on 6th August, 1934 to Sir Samuel Hoare, the Secretary of State for India, London, and Sir John Anderson, P.C, G.B.E, G.C.I.E, the Governor of Bengal with a request for making adequate provisions in the Statute Book for the protection of the interest of the hill people by way of safeguards or "the District of Darjeeling should be totally excluded from Bengal by creation of an Independent Administrative Unit with an administrator at the head of the area assisted by an Executive Council representative of all interest in the area and the area should be placed directly under the Central Government, the Governor of Bengal acting as an Agent to the Governor- General. No legislation passed by the Central-Government should apply to the area unless certified by the Administrator in consultation with his Executive Council." (IBID: NO.5) The signatories of the memorandum were Sonam Wangfel Ladenla, President of Hillmen's Association, Darjeeling, Gobardhan Gurung, Vice-President of Hill men's Association, Darjeeling and Madan Thapa, Secretary Hillmen's Association, Darjeeling. The absence of the signatories from Kalimpong, Kurseong and the representative of Lepcha of the Hillmen's Association to the memorandum are conspicuous that also shed light to the fact of "the deteriorating fraternity among the Lepcha, Bhotia and the Nepalis. This began with the demand by the Nepalis to introduce "Nepali" as a medium of instruction in schools, which in turn was a response to the Nagpur Resolution of 1920 by the Indian National Congress on the Linguistic principle of reorganisation of provinces" (Subba), but the very spirit of the reorganisation of province as propounded by the Congress in its Nagpur Session weakened the unity of the demand for the separation of Darjeeling and its contiguous areas from Bengal, on the fact of difference of language, culture, tradition, history and geography with the rest of Bengal. Foreseeing the impending political disadvantages on account of the lack of unity among the dominant hill community of Darjeeling, a meeting was held on 23rd December, 1934 in Darjeeling and a body named as "Hill peoples' Social Union" for the social development of Nepali, Bhotia and Lepcha by nurturing fraternity among them was formed. The Hill Peoples' Social Union in its efforts of realising its objectives formed a committee on 9th February, 1935 entrusting it the responsibility of publication of a Nepali monthly named ‘NEBULA’. The dominant original inhabitant, consisiting of the Nepali, Bhotia and the Lepcha community were codified as NEBULA, but it is believed that the Hill peoples' Social Union and its monthly NEBULA had disappeared on account of its inability to sustain against the subtle diplomatic design against. The writers, artists, intellectuals and social activists of Darjeeling are found to have organised a Social Body named GORKHA DUKHA NIVARAK Sammelan {GDNS} on 3rd June, 1932. It was the first social organisation of Indian Gorkhas in India. The Sammelan had been arranging education for the orphans and many of them have become successful in attaining good post and position in the different public and private fields of society. Besides it, the GDNS as of today has produced several artists, musicians, dramatists, script-writers, and talents of high repute. Many of them are found to have carved a niche of excellence outside Darjeeling and India. A similar type of organisation was functioning in Punjab at the corresponding period, but later on they fought for the safeguard and upkeep of the Sikh nationality and their religion. Today they have an organisation called SGPC which is regarded as a symbol of unity, solidarity, esteem and glory of the Sikh as Nation, but Indian Gorkhas in general and more precisely socio-politically conscious, educationally advanced and culturally resilient Darjeeling was unable to form a body that could embrace the entire Indian Gorkhas.

Thus the period from 1907 to 1935 is seen as the first phase of ushering of a political demand by the social elites and gentry of Darjeeling without forming a formal political organisation. The British Government instead of conceding to the demand of the Hill Men's Association; Darjeeling was made partially excluded area, so as to facilitate holding of election a for electing representative to the undivided Bengal assembly from Darjeeling as well. The listing of district into a partially excluded area and facilitating the holding of the maiden election in Darjeeling resulted in a fierce competition among the exponents of separate administrative arrangement for Darjeeling district. Thus in the first election in the district of Darjeeling, the contestants were Sonam Wangfel Ladenla, Gantshering Sitling, Rai Sahib Hari Prasad Pradhan and Dambersing Gurung. The former three were the ardent supporter and advocates of the separate administrative unit; as they are found to be the signatories to the memorandum submitted by the Hill men's Association to the then British Government for the creation of a separate administrative arrangement for Darjeeling District, along with the portion of Jalpaiguri District, having majority of Nepali population in the region, which was taken from Bhutan in the year 1865 as per the Sinchula Treaty. During the campaign, as of today the first and last Nepali speaking Superintendent of Police and the defacto ambassador to Lhasa of the erstwhile British Government Mr. Sonam Wangfel Ladenla left for eternity. The death of S.W. Ladenla left the field for the three contestants. Among the three contestants Rai Sahib Hariprasad Pradhan was a celebrated personality of his day in Darjeeling. Mr. Gantshering Sitling was a renowned social activist of the period and Mr. Damber Singh Gurung perhaps was the first advocate of Nepali Community of Darjeeling. In that maiden election of the District of Darjeeling Mr. Damber Singh Gurung got through and then came to be known as ‘VOTEBABU’.

Thus in the history of Darjeeling District, the first election as per the provision of the Government of India Act, 1935 was held in the year 1937. The election smashed the amity among the leadership of the people who were spearheading the demand for of a separate administrative arrangement. The demise of Sardar Sonam Wangfel Ladenla during the period of election campaign is believed to have sealed the process of arresting the rift. A "cursory glance at the various memoranda discussed above indicates a tremendous strain that Laden La, the key figure in the region until mid 30s, had taken to keep the Hillmen's Association true to its name" (Subba), but it is said that "the old order changeth, yielding place to new." (Coleridge), and taking the PLACE BY THE NEW the following Rainbow of the political and historical events engulfed the socio-politico arena of the Gorkhas in India.


FORMATION OF POLITICAL PARTIES AND POLITICAL ISSUES
The unit of Indian National Congress in Darjeeling was the first political organisation formed by the Gorkhas in India. As in the year 1918, there was a Party Congress of All India National Congress in Calcutta, and "Dalbahadur Giri had attended the Congress at Calcutta and after the Session was taken in a car by Mahatma Gandhi for an exclusive talk. Dalbahadur Giri was a changed man when he returned to the hills, after meeting Gandhiji in Calcutta. The return of Giri from the Calcutta Session of Indian National Congress with the blessing and advice from Mahatma Gandhiji gave Darjeeling ita first political organisation. After "the death of Dalbahadur Giri in 1923 Jangbir Sapkota from Kalimpong, Gagatshering and Jangbir Raut of Darjeeling, Sabitridevi alias Hellen and Mayadevi from Kurseong and Sivamangal Singh from Siliguri, all devout leaders had carried the movement for independence of India with dedication and sacrifice" {B.B. Gurung}. Among them Mayadevi Chhetri was elected as member of Rajya Sabha of Indian Parliament on 3rd April, 1953. Subsequently in 1959, she became the first and last Indian Gorkha Lady to have succeeded in occupying the post of Vice-Chairman of Rajya Sabha {Bomjan}. Similarly the Member of Parliament elected from Darjeeling, Mr. T. Manen, in early 60's of twentieth century, had occupied the post of the General Secretary of All India Congress Committee. It was the culmination of highest political achievement of the Congress Party from Darjeeling without having any discernible result for the socio- economic and political betterment of the place and people. Since then it seemed that it was the policy of the party to make the leadership happy and pleased by ignoring and undermining the plight of the people.

The political party of the Indian Gorkhas by the Indian Gorkhas for the Indian Gorkhas to supplement and complement the struggle for the Independence of Mother India was established in the year 1924 at Dehradun, the Uttaranchal of today. "Immediately after the Disobedience Movement of 1921-23, Thakur Chandan Singh started a national forum for the Indian Gorkha. He invited representatives of Indian Gorkhas from various regions of India and founded the now famed ALL INDIA GORKHA LEAGUE in Dehradun on 15 February, 1924" (Lama). The All India Gorkha League led by Thakur Chandan Singh is recorded to have extended its branches in Assam, Bhagsu, Darjeeling, Kashmir, North West Frontier, Calcutta, and Bombay within a short span of time. It had carried a brisk activity for giving Indian Gorkha a share in the national movement for integrating the Gorkha Society into the national mainstream. In spite of having led a brisk socio-politico activity for six years the All India Gorkha League seemed to have suffered from a disease of decay due to betrayal from some of the office bearers, intra-organisational problem and financial constraint.

Thus from the time of extinction of the All India Gorkha League till the beginning of 1930, the socio-political scenario of Darjeeling was not encouraging for the political protagonists of the region. The mutual distrust among the dominant communities was in the rise and the Government of India Act facilitating the maiden election in Darjeeling added fuel to the fire in declining the socio- political amity. However, in such inflammable circumstances the spirit of amity and the exigencies of unity for socio- politico survival inculcated by the Hill men's Association were hunting the minds of the elites of Darjeeling. "In such a situation, there emerged a young lawyer from Calcutta, whose very concern for his people had inspired him to study law. Damber Singh Gurung soon grew as the Messiah of the Gorkhas. He began to meet noted person from Kalimpong and Darjeeling and discuss the problems of the hillmen, in particular the Gorkhas. After a couple of such discussion a meeting was held on March 7, 1943 at George Mahbert Subba's school in Siliguri. The Hill Men's Association had become defunct by then, but its spirit had not diminished. Thus, some 60 odd Lepchas, Bhutias and Nepalis gathered there and resolved to form an association called All India Nepali, Bhutia and Lepcha Association. Rupnarayan Sinha, its first Secretary and a busy lawyer, however, could not pay much attention to this Association.

As days passed the Bhotias also withdrew themselves from this Association as they found little role to play in it. Thus on May 15, 1943 this Association was renamed as ALL INDIA GORKHA LEAGUE (AIGL) in a formal meeting held at Rink Hall ,Darjeeling and D.S. Gurung was made its first President" (Subba). "Though Jnan Tshering Sitling (Lepcha) was the only non-Nepali member in this League, the propagators of its ideology did not ignore the Lepcha and Bhutia, which they could have, given their absolute majority (Ibid)." Thus the AIGL came into existence under the leadership of Damber Singh Gurung. "While as a member of Bengal Assembly he had learnt the futility of a lone representative to the house from Darjeeling for obtaining socio-economic and political safeguard of the place and people. Hence, he endeavoured for organising AIGL in a firm footing for infusing a political sense in the community. He was convinced of the darkness of the future of the people of Darjeeling as long as they remained in Bengal. So, in order to get rid of the darkness the All India Gorkha League under his leadership had postulated/enunciated an idea of merging the region with Assam" (N.B. Gurung). The postulation was popularized by slogan that was buzzing as ASSAM CHALO. The concept of forming a separate zone by merging Darjeeling with Assam was on the basis of physical similarity and mental trait of the people of the two regions. And, to a great extent the proposition seemed viable against forcibly tagging of the place and people with entirely different region and population undermining the historical, cultural and inalienable political and natural aspects of the former, but it remained a mere wishful thought of a microscopic minority of India in Darjeeling.



When India was about to win independence, the renowned lawyer Rupnarayan Sinha came forward with an idea of making the Darjeeling District as Chief Commissioner's Province outside Bengal. There was a tacit support to the idea from the Planter's Association and British Association also. The proposition of the Chief Commissioner's Province was a novel idea for the disengagement of the region from the political and administrative fang of Bengal, but the issue was raised when India was at the very threshold of independence. The All India Gorkha League under Damber Singh Gurung, the then member of Bengal Assembly from Darjeeling, forgetting his earlier pronouncement of not having socio-economic and political safeguard in Bengal, knowingly or unknowingly opposed the Chief Commissioner's Province proposal. And, labelling the move as the SALE OF DARJEELING, the organisational might of the AIGL was set in motion for opposing the proposal of Chief Commissioner's Province. Rup Narayan Sinha might have been subjected to intimidation and threat also, but there was no such vehement opposition from any quarter in spite of having differences and also absence of amity on the issue of the separation of the region from Bengal till the time of floating the idea of Chief Commissioner's Province. The proposal, however, received stiff opposition that facilitated the design of keeping the place and people under Bengal. The All India Gorkha League had put four alternative suggestions against the demand of the Chief Commissioner's Province. The alternatives were "1. Inclusion of, the District of Darjeeling in Bengal in its entirety. 2. Separation of the District from Bengal, forming a separate Chief Commissioner's or Governor's province. 3. Separate North Eastern Frontier with Darjeeling Duars and Hill tracts of Assam extending upto Sadia and 4. Inclusion of Darjeeling in Assam. After a full debate lasting for four hours, the conference was unanimously of the opinion that the fourth alternative namely inclusion in Assam was the best one in the interest of the hill people. This resolution was taken on 22nd December, 1945." (Chiranjib Kumar Kar), but during the squabbles on the proposal of the Chief Commissioner's Province and its alternatives, the last election in British India took place in 1946 in which "Damber Singh Gurung was re-elected as M.L.A. on a Congress ticket. Later on he became a member of the Constituent Assembly. “In his endeavours, to become a member of the Constituent Assembly he had much correspondence with Kiran Sankar Ray, Leader of the Congress Parliamentary Party" (Bhai Nahar and Kirpal Singh). In that election as per Bhagirat Rout, "Messrs. Rupnarayan Sinha and D.B. Khati had contested against him as independent candidates but with the wise support of the Congress and the popularity established in the masses led to his easy victory." But a year after this victory, the same Damber Singh Gurung was found to have become disillusioned and frustrated M.L.A from Darjeeling. In a meeting held in Kalimpong on 17th May, 1947, he said that- "India is going to get Swaraj very shortly. The Britishers are quitting India by June, 1948 and the Nepalis must prepare from now on to face the situation. He had learnt through experience that Gorkhas could not get anything from Bengal. The Britishers have treated us like animals but the Bengalese are worse than Britishers. The Bengalese will be our administrators and will try to keep us down all the time" (Bhai Nahar/Kirpal Singh). Thus with the defeat and disappearance of the Chief Commissioner's Province proposal of Rup Narayan Sinha, the All India Gorkha League and its President Damber Singh Gurung, who had opposed tooth and nail the proposal is found to have been overwhelmed with disillusionment. But, it was like "after Death the Doctor" because by this time the physical infirmities with a failing health stood on his way. Hence, the leader intending to struggle for the political survival of his community could not withstand, as other mortals, the warrant of death that was served on him on 7th April, 1948.

After the premature demise of the President and Legislator Damber Singh Gurung, the All India Gorkha League was found to have made an attempt of segregating the region which was clawed by West Bengal in Independent India. And, in the direction of unfastening the politico-administrative claws, the AIGL is found to have placed a proposal of forming UTTARKHAND PRADESH through a public meeting held on 30th October, 1949 at GITANGAY DARA, DARJEELING. The meeting was presided over by no less a person than Rupnarayan Sinha who was the mover of the proposal for Chief Commissioner's Province which was opposed with organisational might of the AIGL under the leadership of Damber Singh Gurung. But the conception and enunciation of the SEPARATION from Bengal with different nomenclature {Uttarkhand Pradesh} is found to have been advocated by the same party which had opposed the separation in the name of Chief Commissioner's Province. The INTELLIGENCE DEPARTMENT on the very meeting in which the proposal of forming of UTTARKHAND PRADESH comprising Darjeeling District, SIKKIM, JALPAIGURI and COOCH BEHAR was placed, submitted a written report -"today, their voices do not reach the ears of Legislators in Calcutta, for they are only three in the midst of 250 but it would not be so in the new Pradesh where they hope to do a great deal. Discussing the pros and cons of the movement from the economic point of view, the speakers compared there would be new province with Himachal Pradesh saying that the population of the later was 8 Lacs, while that of UTTARKHAND would be 21 Lacs. The annual income of Darjeeling District is near about 80 Lacs, from quinine, forests, amusement tax, excise etc. The annual income of Jalpaiguri is Rs 60 Lacs, Cooch Behar one crore and eight lacs and Sikkim 9 Lacs. When Himachal Pradesh can pull on with a meagre sum of Rs 8 Lacs, there is no reason why this Uttarkhand Pradesh would not do so, whose income is three times greater than that of the former. Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri, Cooch Behar and Sikkim are abundant in natural resources, besides an annual income of 2 crore pounds of tea from the district of Darjeeling alone. Judging from the financial point of view, the speaker stated that they can easily run the new Province which would be far better off than other provinces, for it would be a party of Mongolians having similar nature and habit" {Ibid}. The proposal of the Uttarkhand Pradesh was moved and placed by Randhir Subba on behalf of the All India Gorkha League and it was endorsed and supported by the leaders of political parties from different strata as the mover had stated that "the AIGL leaders are prepared to withdraw its leadership if other communities, including Bengalis, are willing to fight for Uttarkhand province. This province will have {given the first alternative} 7,832 square miles and 19, 95,068 persons out of which the "Nepalis" will be about 4, 39000 or 22 percent only. Thus, no community will be either in absolute majority or minority and even the Bengalis will have the opportunity to sustain their culture". {Subba} But "the Uttarkhand movement initiated by Randhir Subba of All India Gorkha League and Rupnarayan Sinha of Hill-men's Association on being encountered by a thunderous reprimand from the first Deputy Prime-minister of India Sardar Ballavbhai Patel, the proposal mangled into pieces" {Pradhan}. But the same "Patel had been prepared to concede partition even before Mountbatten's arrival. He was ageing, he'd suffered two heart attacks, and he wanted to get on with it, to end these ceaseless debates and get down to the task of building an independent India. Give Jinnah his state, he argued, it wouldn't survive anyway. In five years the Moslem League would be knocking at their door begging for India's reunification" (Collins and Lapierre). Thus, it is obvious that the man who was agreeable and amenable to the partition of India was extremely against the formation of Uttarkhand within India for the people of the region on the ground of weakening the country by such formation.

Thus, the period from the inception of AIGL to the disappearance of the demand for Uttarkhand Province, the first generation of leadership also seemed to have been over. In the following years, the strong and resourceful All India Gorkha League having organisational strength gradually immersed into the din and dirt of West Bengal's electoral politics and in the game of the electoral politics that required two pronged move of winning the good will of the master of Bengal at Kolkata and the hoodwinking and bluffing of the naive electorates of Darjeeling. In the strategy of targeting two different points of electoral politics thrust upon Darjeeling in independent India of West Bengal, Deoprakash Rai, the Leader of the new generation representing the All India Gorkha League is found to have excelled and outsmarted all his opponents. He represented the Darjeeling 23-Assembly Constituency for a quarter century uninterruptedly without effecting any tangible improvement for the upkeep of the place and people. During his tenure, of representation, the earlier and initial commitment of All India Gorkha League, of the total separation of Darjeeling District had been modified to be under West Bengal by affecting an administrative mechanism called District Autonomy. In order to realise and achieve the proposed District Autonomy, no concrete course of action was followed except placing of verbal demand and representations from time to time. And, in pulling the people on the tract as desired by him with such a hollow assurance and commitment, Deoprakash Rai successfully carried the mass along with him by his witticism and demagogy for twenty-five years. There was no dearth of explicit and implicit help in the direction of his endeavours. Hence, so long as he was in the helm of political affairs, Kolkata seemed to be worry-free and unfettered on their self-styled claim of Darjeeling as the crown of Bengal. The party under his leadership had the capacity and sway of marginalizing and also expulsion of the forces and elements which could be detrimental to the cause of the ruler of the state. There were several inner-party push and pull but in each case he is found to be victorious till his death as there is record that not a single opponent had been able to stand in AIGL as long as he was alive. Leaders who dared to challenge his style of functioning and performance were made like a fish thrown on sand. He was the first Gorkha Leader to occupy the post of Cabinet Minister in West Bengal of Independent India in 1967. The holding of the portfolio of Cabinet Minister had created a high hope and expectation in the minds of the people of Darjeeling, but knowing the mood of the people and being a shrewd politician and loquacious in his game, it is seen that the "All India Gorkha League in the District Conference held at Darjeeling on 13th May, 1967" had adopted a resolution on the Autonomous District Councils "The people of the District have raised their voice for Autonomous District Council within West Bengal through All India Gorkha League and other political parties of this district but so far it has remained unheeded. It is a pity that very important minority of India living on the sensitive border has not been given any hand or say in the administration of its own affairs. When similar minorities living in other states who raise their voice much later have been offered wide autonomy, why not the hill people of West Bengal? This is a discrimination about which the people are feeling very sore. This meeting of All India Gorkha League, therefore, reiterates its demand for Autonomous District Council and resolves that the issue will not be allowed to be kept shelved much longer. We will take all action for achievement of the object of Autonomous District Council within Bengal at a time it thinks opportune". {Chiranjib Kumar Kar}. That opportune moment never came for the people of Darjeeling despite his becoming a Cabinet Minister for two terms in the days to come. During his tenure of Cabinet Minister-ship it is seen the issue of Autonomous District Council was not pursued by him either in the Cabinet or in the Assembly, though had earned recognition and respect not only in Darjeeling but in the capital of the state. Thus, it was an unpardonable error that undermined the political future of the Gorkhas at large. Most unfortunately, it had occured during the perpetuated era of Gorkha League in Darjeeling UNDER THE LEADERSHIP OF DEOPRAKASH RAI FROM 1952 TO 1980.


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