120
speaker is willing to confirm (such as well known historical facts or events that the speaker
participated in) or events that the speaker may not be willing to confirm (such as events that have
been previously marked as non-confirmative or which the speaker has explicitly not witnessed).
Johanson treats the perfect as “a postterminal of the type
PPAST
, displaying perfect-like meanings
with occasional indirective readings” (2003, 279).
The converbial past -
(i)b/-(I)p is also often referred to as a second
duyulan geçmiş zaman
in
Turkish grammars, and Johanson calls this form a “stable indirectivity marker of the type
IPAST
-1: ‘has evidently done, evidently did’” (2003, 279). The meanings of this form are broader
than mere indirectivity, however. Johanson employs the term
INDIRECTIVITY
to refer to “the
presentation of an event by reference to its reception by a conscious subject” and states that “the
notion of indirectivity is in accordance with the crosslinguistic definition of evidentiality as
‘stating the existence of a soure of evidence for some information’” (2003, 274). Although
-
(i)b/-(I)p may express indirectivity or indicate non-firsthand
information, its primary function is
to express non-confirmativity. As a non-confirmative morpheme, it bears meanings of doubt and
non-volitionality, as well as the indirective or evidential meanings of hearsay or inference.
The morphemes that have been glossed here as
EVID
-
ekan/eken - are often referred to as
bearing
rivâyet ‘hearsay, gossip’ mood in Turkish-language materials and are ascribed inferential
meaning by Johanson (2003). These assessments are generally correct, in as much as the
presence of
ekan/eken signals that the information conveyed was obtained from non-firsthand
sources, although when these morphemes are used in their
admirative or emotive sense, it is
assumed that the speaker has direct evidence for the information expressed.
The final morphemes that have been said to participate in the expression of evidential
meaning are the modern reflexes of older
*er-miš, Uzbek
emish and Kazakh -
mIs. These
121
morphemes are only rarely discussed in
grammars of Uzbek and Kazakh, in part due to their
rarity. Johanson (2003) ascribes these morphemes reportative meaning, and the analysis here
supports that conclusion.
The analysis so far groups these morphemes into two classes: the past tense morphemes
and the copular morphemes. The primary purpose of the past tense morphemes is to express
anteriority, and speakers have the option of choosing between these morphemes on the basis of
confirmativity:
Yüklə
Dostları ilə paylaş: