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number of similarities to
Uzbek and Kazakh, as well, likely due in part to the proximity of the
three languages.
Like Uzbek
and Kazakh, Kyrgyz possesses three finite forms of the verb: the voluntative-
imperative-optative paradigm (1
SG
-
(A)yIn, 1
PL
-
(A)lIk, 2
SG
-
Ø,
-GIn, 2
PL
—
IŋIz(dAr), 3
SG
/
PL
-
sIn) , the conditional in -
sA,
and the simple past in -DI. It likewise possesses a three-way
distinction in the past tense between what are termed the 'definite past tense’ -
DI, the ‘indefinite
past tense’ in -
GAn, and the ‘subjective past tense in -
Ip(tIr) (Abduldaev and Zakharova 1987).
This three-way distinction strongly resembles that of Uzbek and Kazakh in phonological form,
and given the similarities between the terms used for cognate forms in Uzbek and Kazakh, they
likely function in ways similar to those described here.
Kyrgyz also possesses a form eken,
which has similar distribution to Uzbek and Kazakh
ekan/eken and is often translated as ‘it turns
out’ or ‘as they say’ (Abduldaev and Zakharova 1987). Once again,
it appears that the Kyrgyz
form behaves in similar ways to the cognate forms in Uzbek and Kazakh,
expressing a similar
range of non-confirmative meaning. It does not appear that Kyrgyz possesses any forms derived
from Proto-Turkic *-
mIš,
nor is it clear whether eken can be used to form rhetorical questions.
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