10
predict the distribution of copular forms, including
ekan/eken. The finite/non-finite distinction
made in Chapter 2 enables us to explain why copular forms typically only follow non-finite
forms of the verb and non-verbal predicates. The uses of
ekan/eken that are unrelated to the non-
confirmativity paradigm are discussed in this chapter as well.
In “The Past and Confirmativity,” the third chapter, I describe the three bound past tense
morphemes, -
di/-DI, -
gan/-GAn, and
-(i)b/-(I)p, focusing on their
markedness values for
confirmativity and for other relevant features such as
TEMPORAL DISTANCE
and
DEFINITENESS
.
As described above, the primary differences between these morphemes is that the simple past
-di/-DI is marked as [+
CONFIRMATIVE
], the so-called perfect -
gan/-GAn is unmarked for
confirmativity [Ø
CONFIRMATIVE
],
and the converbial past
-(i)b/-(I)p is marked as
[-
CONFIRMATIVE
].
Chapter 4, “Evidential Meanings of
Ekan/Eken” discusses the morphemes most often
described as “evidential” in Uzbek and Kazakh:
ekan and
eken, which are marked as non-
confirmative [-
CONFIRMATIVE
]. The expression of non-confirmativity by these morphemes has
two possible interpretations: non-firsthand information source (a type of evidential meaning) and
admirativity. This chapter examines the evidential component of these morphemes’
meanings
within the complex of meanings encompassed by the sub-category of non-confirmativity and
shows the range of evidential meaning that they express. Although these forms have their basis
in the copula, their distribution differs from other copular forms, and this distribution is outlined
in Chapter 4 as well.
The second interpretation of
ekan/eken -
ADMIRATIVITY
- is covered in Chapter 5,
“
Ekan/Eken and the Expression of Emotivity.” It is well-known
that forms that express
evidential meaning frequently also express surprise, doubt, or the reception of unexpected
11
information, all types of admirative meaning. Although some authors consider admirativity a
distinct verbal category (DeLancey 1997; 2001), the connection between admirative and
evidential meaning can be accounted for by employing the non-confirmative approach
mentioned previously. A purely non-confirmative approach, however,
presents some difficulties,
because when
ekan/eken is found in questions, one possible result is a rhetorical question. This
result rhetorical question interpretation is scarcely attested in other languages, and I argue that
the admirative and rhetorical question meanings expressed by
ekan/eken can be unified by
invoking the concept of
EMOTIVITY
, which, according to Jakobson (1960),
is the use of language
to express the speaker’s state of mind. As noted in 0.3, the subjective type of
MODALITY
/
STATUS
is often incompatible with questions, and the incompatibility of non-confirmative meaning in
certain types of questions may have resulted in the development of strong emotive meaning,
thereby producing rhetorical questions.
The final chapter summarizes the major claims of the previous chapters and suggests
further directions for research. Because Uzbek and Kazakh lie at the heart of a Eurasian
evidentiality belt, the claims that follow may apply to other Turkic languages and to other
languages of the region.