Evidentiality in Uzbek and Kazakh

3.2 
The Non-Confirmative Converbial Past 
In addition to the simple past in -di/-DI and the perfect in -gan/-GAn, Uzbek and Kazakh possess 
a third basic morpheme that expresses past tense: the converbial past tense (Uz: -(i)b, Kaz: -(I)p).
The converbial past tense is so-called because it derives from a phonologically identical marker 
that is used to create converbial constructions. As a converbial marker, this form indicates 
perfectivity and contrasts with the imperfective converbial marker -A/y. As a past tense marker, 
however its primary function is to indicate non-confirmativity. 
Before exploring the non-confirmative meanings of the converbial past, it is first 
necessary to point out that in Uzbek, the converbial past may bear imperfective meaning, 
unmarked for confirmativity, when attached to four verbs: tur- ‘stand, continue, live’, o’tir- ‘sit’, 
yur- ‘walk, move’, and yot- ‘lie down’ (Sjoberg 1963, 113). These verbs in Uzbek, as well as 
their cognates in Kazakh, are employed as converbs to indicate 
PROGRESSIVE
/
IMPERFECTIVE
aspect, and therefore form a natural class. 
(78) Tïŋda-p otïr-mïn. (Kaz) 
Listen-
CVB
PROG
-1
SG
 
 
‘I’m listening.’ 
(79) Doim tush ko’r-ib yur-a-man. (Uz) 
Always dream see-
CVB PROG
-
PRES
-1
SG
 
 
‘I’m always dreaming.’ 
In Uzbek, both the converbial and main verb uses of these four verbs combine with the 
converbial past to produce imperfective past tense meaning. It appears that the imperfective 
properties of these verbs neutralize both the perfective and non-confirmative meanings of the 
converbial past. 
(80) Nega u tiz cho’k-ib o’tir-ib-di? (Uz) 
Why he knee bend-
CVB PROG
-
CPST
-3 

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78 
‘Why is he kneeling?’ 
(Joyce 2007, 27) 
(81) Qozog’iston-da nima ish-lar bilan yur-ib-san? (Uz) 
Kazakhstan-
LOC
what work-
PL
with walk-
CPST
-2
SG
‘Why (for what business) were you going around Kazakhstan?’ 
The above examples demonstrate these four verbs combined with the converbial past function as 
imperfectives when they are part of converbial constructions (80) or function as main verbs (81). 
Although not found in Kazakh, this sort of construction is found in Uyghur and in Tajik.
Johanson (2005) proposes that this is a feature of the Southeastern branch of Turkic and that 
these languages influenced the development of similar constructions in Tajik. 
Aside from these exceptional forms in Uzbek, the converbial past is characterized by 
strong non-confirmative meaning. This non-confirmative meaning is manifested as doubt, 
hearsay, inference, or admirativity. Which one of these various non-confirmative meanings is 
intended can only be figured out by context. If, for example, upon seeing a friend who looks 
unwell, a Kazakh speaker might say: 
(82) awr-ïp qal-ïp-sïn (Kaz) 
 
sick-
CVB PFV
-
CPST
-2
SG
‘You’ve (apparently) fallen ill.’ 
(Somfai-Kara 2002, 40) 
The non-confirmative past may also be employed to indicate results of unwitnessed actions: 
(83) bitta kartoshka-da belkurak-ning iz-i qol-ib-di. (Uz) 
one potato-
LOC
spade-
GEN
mark-3 remain-
CPST
-3 
‘The mark of a space remained on one of the potatoes.’ 
(Joyce 2007, 30) 
Hearsay, particularly speech preceded by the qualifier ‘according to X’, often employs the 
converbial past, as well. 

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79 
(84) O'rtoq-lar-im-ning aytishicha, kecha kino-da uxla-b qol-ib-man. (Uz) 
Friend-
PL
-1
SG
-
GEN
according.to yesterday movie-
LOC
sleep-
CVB PRF
-
CPST
-1
SG
‘According to my friends, I fell asleep during the movie last night.’ 
(85) Ata-lar-ïm boyïnša, bu suluw sayabaq bol-ïp-tï. (Kaz) 
 
Parent-
PL
-1
SG
according.to this beautiful park be-
CPST
-3 
‘Accroding to my parents, this was a beautiful park.’ 
When the non-confirmative past combines with first person marking, the effect is usually 
one of unintentional action. This form is especially common when talking about forgetting, 
falling asleep, or other uncontrollable human functions. 
(86) Men kechki ovqat uchun tuxum ol-gan-im-ni unut-ib-man. (Uz) 
 
I evening meal for egg buy-
NMLZR
-
ACC
forget-
CPST
-1
SG
‘I forgot that I (already) bought eggs for dinner.’ 
(87) Šölde-p qal-ïp-pïn. (Kaz) 
Thirst-
CVB PFV
-
CPST
-1
SG
‘I’ve become thirsty.’ 
It is also common to refer to dreams (which the speaker likewise has no control over) with the 
non-confirmative past. 
(88) Bu kecha Karimov-ni tush-im-da ko’r-ib-man! (Uz) 
This night Karimov-
ACC
dream-1
SG
-
LOC
see-
CPST
-1
SG
‘I saw Karimov in my dream last night!’
4
The unintentionality expressed by the combination of -(i)b/-(I)p and the first person is often 
employed when giving excuses, as it implies that the speaker is not responsible for her or his 
actions: 
(89) Biraq, ökiniške oray, keshig-ip qal-ïp-pïn. (Kaz) 
But unfortunately be.late-
CVB
stay-
CPST
-1
SG
‘But unfortunately, I was late.’
5
4
2003. Arbuz, 28 Jan. Accessed 17 Feb 2011. 
http://www.arbuz.com/showthread.php?t=10869&page=1 
5
2009. Ädemi-ay, 20 Nov. Accessed 17 Feb 2011. http://ademi-ai.kz/?m=200911 

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80 
The non-confirmative past plays a special role in stories. Stories in Uzbek employ 
ceremonial openings involving the form ekan, which indicates non-firsthand information source 
or admirativity: Bir bor ekan, bir yo’q ekan ‘There existed one, there did not exist one’. This 
construction functions something like English ‘Once upon a time’. Following this ritual 
opening, when further introductory material introducing the characters is given these statements 
also employ the evidential.
(90) Bir bor ekan, bir yo’q ekan, qadim o’tgan zamonda bir boy savdogar yashagan ekan.