Excerpts from



Yüklə 1,08 Mb.
səhifə25/25
tarix31.07.2018
ölçüsü1,08 Mb.
#64693
1   ...   17   18   19   20   21   22   23   24   25

507 Medlin, op. cit. pp. 211-23; R. Wittram, ‘Peters des Grossen Verhaltnis zur Religion und den Kirchen,’

Historische Zeitschrift, CLXXII (1952), pp. 261-96.

508 John of Damascus, De Fide Orthodoxa (Πηγη Γνωσεος), in M.P.G., xcrv.

509 See above, p. 193.

510 See above, pp. 248-54.

511 See above, pp. 276-81.

512 The best work on Peter Moghila and his Confession is A. Malvy and M. Viller, La Confession Orthodoxe de Pierre Moghila, Orientalia Christiana, Analecta x (1927), giving the full text. For his life see ibid. pp. ix-xvii. See also E. Legrand, Bibliographic Hellenique; description raisonneé des ouvrages publiés en Grec par des Crecs au 17e siecle, iv, pp. 104-60; A. Florovski, Le Conflit de deux traditions, pp. 50-6.

513 Malvy and VlUer, op. cit. pp. xlv-xlvii; Legrand, Bibliographie Hellenique an 17e siecle, pp. 104-10.

514 Malvy and Viller, op. cit. pp. liiff.; J. Pargoire, ‘Meletios Syrigos,’ Echos d’Orient, xii (1920), p. 24.

515 For Basil Lupul see N. Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 163-81.

516 J. D. Mansi, Sacrorum Conciliorum Collectio, xxiv, p. 1720.

517 Scogardi’s account is given in E. de Hurmuzaki, Docutnente Priuatore la Istoria Romdnilor, rv, i, p. 668; Malvy and Viller, op. cit. pp. xlix-li.

518 For the catechism see Malvy and Viller, op. cit. pp. cxlv-cxxx.

519 Ibid. pp. li-liii, lxii; C. Delikanis, Πατριαρχικα Εγγραφα, iii, pp. 31-2.

520 Delikanis, op. cit. p. 39.

521 The text of Nectarius’s commendation is given in the preface to The Orthodox Confession of the Catholic and Apostolic Eastern Church, faithfully translated from the Original from the version of Peter Mogila (ed. J.J. Overbeck), pp. 6-9. Nectarius admits that he has not read the Latin version so cannot pronounce on it.

522 For the various editions see Malvy and Viller, op. cit. pp. lvii-lix.

523 Malvy and Viller, op. of. pp. 127-8 and notes.

524 Ibid. pp. 144-52, xlvi-xlvii, cxvii.

525 Ibid. pp. 19-21, 107-8.

526 Ibid. pp. 34, 60-1.

527 Malvy and Viller, op. cit. pp. 1, lxxxviii. See Scogardi’s account, above, p. 343, n. I.

528 Malvy and Viller, op. cit. pp. 71-2.

529 Ibid. pp. 12-13.

530 Ibid. p. lxvii. See Mansi, op. at. xxxvn, pp. 27-8.

531 E.g. S. Bulgakov, The Orthodox Church (trans. E. S. Cram), p. 47.

532 Mansi, op. cit. xxxvn, pp. 465-6.

533 Legrand, Bibliographie Hellenique au l7e siecle, iii, pp. 68-9, iv, pp. 151-2.

534 There is a vast literature about Dositheus. His nephew and successor, Chrysan-thos Notaras, inserted a short and eulogistic biography at the beginning of his History of the Patriarchs of Jerusalem, which Chrysanthos edited after his death. For summaries of his career see T. H. Papadopoullos, Studies and Documents relating to the History of the Creek Church and People under Turkish Domination, Bibliotheca Graeca Aevi Posterioris, 1, pp. 154-6; M.Jugie, Theologia Dogmatica Christianorum Orientalium ab Ecclesia Catholica Dissidentium, i, pp. 516-17. See also A. P. Palmieri, Dositeo, Patriarca Greco di Gerusalemme, passim, a full biography from a Latin point of view.

535 E. Legrand, Bibliographic Hellénique an l7e siecle, iii, pp. 68-9 (Dositheus’s ‘four dangers’). Dr J. Covel, Some Account of the Present Greek Church, p. liv, says that he had received letters from Dositheus in which the Pope is called ‘ Savage Beast, wild Bear, the Abomination of Desolation…,’ and the Franciscans ‘wild Beasts, most unmerciful Murderers, Devils’. For Dositheus’s doubts over Lucaris’s authorship of his Confession see his Ιστορια, p. 1170.

536 Papadopoullos, op. cit. pp. 155-6: T. Ware, Eustratios Argenti, pp. 31-2.

537 The History was published at Bucharest in 1715. For its contents see Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 196-S.

538 The full Greek text of the ‘Confession of Dositheus’ is given in J. N. Karmiris, Τα Δογματιψα Συμβολικα Μνημεια της Ορθοδοξου Καθ. Εκκ., n, pp. 746-73. See also J. N. W. B. Robertson, The Acts and Decrees of the Synod of Jerusalem, sometimes called the Council of Bethlehem, which contains an English translation of the Confession (pp. 110-62).

539 See H. T. F. Duckworth, Greek Manuals of Church Doctrine, summarizing four nineteenth-century Greek catechisms.

540 For the Likhoudes brothers see M. Smertsovsky, The Brothers Likhudy (in Russian), giving a full account of their career and writings. See also Jugie, op. tit. 1, pp. 517-18.

541 For the later Russian mystics see E. Behr-Sigel, Priere et sainteté dans l’Eglise russe.

542 See Ware, Eustratios Argenti, pp. 101-2, 170-2, also M. Viller, ‘Nicodeme l’Agiorite et ses emprunts a la litterature spirituelle occidentale,’ Revue d’Ascetique et de Mystique, v (1924), pp. 174-7.

543 See above, p. 236.

544 The baptism controversy has been admirably covered by Ware, Eustratios Argenti, pp. 65-107. For Cyril V’s career the basic authority is the chronicle of Sergios Macraios, part 1 (in Sathas, Μεσσαιωνικη Βιβλιοθηκη iii, pp. 203-37). See also Papadopoullos, op. tit. pp. 159-264.

545 See A. Hadjimichali, ‘Aspects de reorganisation economique des Grecs dans l’Empire Ottoman,’ Le Cinq-centieme anniversaire de la prise de Constantinople, L’Hellenisme contemporain (fascicule hors serie; 1953), pp. 264-8; N. G. Svoronos, Commerce de Salonique an XVIIIe siecle, p. 250. D. Sicilianos, Η Μακρινιτζα και το Πηλιον, pp. 92-4.

546 For the fur-trade see Hadjimichali, art. cit. pp. 272-5; C. Mertsios, Monuments de I’histoire de la Macedonie, pp. 209 ff.

547 Reports by the French Consuls Arasy, de Jonville and Beaujour, in M. Lascaris, Salonique a la fin du XVIIIe siecle; Svoronos, op. cit. pp. 261-4.

548 For maritime trade within the Ottoman Empire in the seventeenth century see R. Mantran, Istanbul dans la seconde moitié du XVIIe siecle, pp. 425 ff., esp. pp. 487-92. For the part played by Greeks see Eremiya Celebi Komiircuyan, Istanbul Tarihi: XVII asirda Istanbul (trans, into Turkish by H. D. Andreasyan), p. 47 (the account of a contemporary Armenian traveller), and Mantran, op. cit. pp. 55-7. There is no good general survey of the trade of the Aegean islands in the eighteenth century, when the islanders took over most of the Levantine trade. According to L. S. Bartholdy (Voyage en Grece fait dans les annees 1803-1804, II, p. 63) the islands of Hydra, Spetsai, Psara and Chios owned from 300 to 400 ships. For Hydra the best monograph is still G. D. Kriezis, Ιστορια της Νησου Υδρας προς της Επαναστασεως του 1821. See also, for the islands’ privileges, J. Z. Stephanopoli, Les Iles de I’Egeé: leurs privileges, passim.

549 See N. Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 234-5: also T. Stoianovic, ‘The conquering Balkan Orthodox Merchant,’ Journal of Economic History, xx, pp. 234-313- There were chapels for the use of Greek merchants at Leipzig, Breslau and Posen: M. Gedeon, Πατριαρχικοι πινακες, pp. 638, 641, 669.

550 For the ‘archontes,’ see Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 90-1, 113-25.

551 For these claims see Le Livre d’Or de la noblesse phanariote par un Phariote (ed. E. R. Rhangabe), passim. The Cantacuzeni, probably correctly, and the Argyropouli, the Aristarchi and the Rhangabe, less convincingly, claimed Byzantine Imperial descent. The Mouroussi and the Ypsilanti claimed to be families transported by Mehmet II from Trebizond and to be related to the Grand Comneni. The Mano came from Sicily via Genoa; the Mavroyeni claimed descent from the Venetian Morosini; die Scarlati came from Florence. The Mavrocordato were to claim descent from Othello in the male line and Fabius Maximus Cunctator in the female. See below, p. 367.

552 See above, pp. 197-8.

553 For Scarlatos Beglitsi see Gerlach, op. cit. pp. 270, 296; Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 119, 123.

554 See above, p. 296.

555 K. Daponte, Χρονογραφος, in Sathas, Μεσαιωνικη Βιβλιοθηκη, iii, pp.6, 10, 12, 15. Anastasius Gordius says that he was a pupil of Meletius Syrigus (Bios ‘Euyevlau AitcoAou, in Sathas, op. tit. m, p. 483). See also J. von Hammer-Purgstall, Geschichte des Osmanischen Reiches, vi, pp. 11, 27.

556 See Papadopoullos, op. cit. pp. 48-9.

557 See below, pp. 368-9.

558 Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 126-54.

559 Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 135-6, 148-9. For Chiajna’s excessive love for Greek gentlemen, see poem by George the AetolianinN. Banescu, UnPoeme grec vulgaire; and poem by Stavrinos the Vestiary, Ανδραγαθιες του ευσεβεστατον και ανδρειοτατον Μιχαηλ βοεβοδα, in E. Legrand, Recueil des poems historiques.

560 For die Cantacuzene family, see above, p. 197.

561 Daponte, Χρονογραφος, p. 17.

562 Daponte, Ιστορικος Καταλογος, in Sathas, op. tit. m, pp. 172-5.

563 Daponte, Χρονολογος, pp. 15-16, and Ιστορικος Καταλογος, pp. 166-7. Demetrius Cantemir, The History of the Growth and Decay of the Othtnan Empire (trans. N. Tindal), pp. 356-8, tells of Roxandra’s pockmarks and of Matthew of Wallachia’s refusal to marry her; but his evidence is suspect, as he hated the Mavrocordato family and was writing some seventy years later. Daponte speaks highly of her erudition, as does the scholar James Manos of Argos (in his preface to her son Alexander Mavrocordato’s Ιστορια των Ιουδαινω. See A. Stourdza, L’Europe Orientate et le role historique des Maurocordato, pp. 32-4, 408-9, which cites all the relevant sources but is careless over dates and names. For a romanticized account of Roxandra, written by a descendant and based on the family papers, see Princesse Bibesco, La Nymphe Europe, I, pp. 63-71.

564 There is no satisfactory life of the great Exaporite. He is frequently mentioned in the Constantinopolitan sources of the time, in particular Daponte and Can-temir, and in all contemporary works dealing with the Levant, and with the diplomacy of the period. See Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 203-7; Stourdza, op. cit. pp. 35ff.; E. Legrand, Généalogie des Maurocordatos de Constantinople, pp. io ff. See also the romanticized account in Princesse Bibesco, op. cit. pp. 72-114. For his educational reforms see above, pp. 222-3.

565 For the Church in the Principalities see N. Jorga, Istoria la Biserica Romanilor, passim.

566 Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 163-79. See above, pp. 341-3.

567 Daponte, Χρονογραφος, pp. 9-17.

568 Ibid. pp. 7-41; Cantemir, op. cit. pp. 370-1.

569 For the career of Constantine Brancovan see Stourdza, op. cit. pp. 47 ff., giving references to original Roumanian sources. Cantemir, op. cit. pp. 371-2, gives a gossipy and prejudiced account of his life and family.

570 For Demetrius Cantemir’s life and writings see Cantemir, op. cit. pp. 455-60.

The History naturally gives a rather biased account of his career.



571 Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 224-5. See also A. C. Hypsilantis, Τα μετα την Αλωσιν (1453-17S9), pp. 320ff.

572 The best account of Phanariot rule in the Principalities is given by William Wilkinson (An Account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, published in 1820), who was for several years previously British Consul at Bucharest, a post which in the mid-seventeenth century had been held by the historian Daponte. See also the very hostile account in M. P. Zallonis, Essai sur les Fanariotes, and J. L. Carra, Hisioire de la Moldavie et de la Valachie (1781).

573 Wilkinson, op. tit. pp. 95-8; A.D.Xenopol, Histoire des Roumains, ii, pp. 207-12. For Constantine Mavrocordato see Hypsilantis, op.cit. pp. 340-9; Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 231-2. See the list of Princes given in Stourdza, op. cit. pp. 89-90.

574 Wilkinson, op. cit. pp. 60-71.

575 See R. W. Seton-Watson, A History of the Roumanians, pp. 126-43. m the early nineteenth century Dr Robert Walsh says that eight Phanariot families were allowed the title of Prince, the Mavrocordato, Mouroussi, the Ypsilanti, the Callimachi, Soutzo, Caradja, Hantcherli and Mavroyeni families (Residence at Constantinople during the Greek and Turkish Revolutions, n, pp. 402-3). He omits the Cantacuzeni, Ghika and Rakovitsa families, who also had princely ancestors.

576 W. MacMichael, Journey from Moscow to Constantinople, p. 107. He describes the pomp and luxury of the Phanariot courts, ibid. pp. 926.” Comte de Hauterive made a similar comment on a prince’s glory thirty years earlier (Voyage en Moldavie), p. 368.

577 For the reforms see T. H. Papadopoullos, Studies and Documents relating to the History of the Greek Church and People under Turkish Domination, Bibliotheca Graeca Aevi Posterioris, 1, pp. 48-57. See above, p. 176.

578 See above, pp. 230-3, and Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 231-40.

579 See J. Voyatzidis, ‘La Grande Idee,’ Le Cinq-centieme anniversaire de la prise de Constantinople, L’Hellenisme contemporain (fascicule hors serie), pp. 279-85.

580 For the Bulgarian Church see I. Snegarov, History of the Archbishopric-Patriarchate of Ohrid (in Bulgarian), passim. For the Serbian Church see L. Madrovics, Le Peuple serbe et son église sous la domination turque, passim. Both S. Macraios, Υπομνηματα Εκκλησιαστικης Ιστοριας, in Sathas, op. cit. pp. 250-2, and Hypsilantis, op. cit. p. 410, declare that the authorities of both sees asked for their autonomy to be abolished. This was no doubt because the higher clergy, who were Greek, needed support against growing Balkan nationalism.

581 For the Montenegran Church see Madrovics, op. cit.

582 See above, pp. 335-7.

583 See above, pp. 75-6.

584 For the Church of Alexandria see K. A. Uspenski, The Patriarchate of Alexandria (in Russian), r, pp. 340 ff.; C. A. Papadopoulos, Ιστορια της Εκκλησιας Αλεξανδειας, passim: and Ware, op. cit. pp. 50-9. One Patriarch, Samuel Capasoulis, made a secret submission to Rome (Hofmann, Griechische Patriarchen und Romische Papste, Orientalia Christiana, xiii, no. 47, passim, and xxxvi, no. 97, pp. 41-60). Eustratios Argenti also tried to set the finances of the Patriarchate on a better footing (Ware, Eustratios Argenti, pp. 52-3). Hypsilantis says that in 1744 the Patriarch’s income was insufficient to pay the interest on his debts (op cit. p. 352).

585 For the Church of Antioch see C. A. Papadopoulos, Ιστορια της Εκκλ. Αντιοχειας, passim: Ware, op. cit. pp. 36-41.

586 For the properties of the Jerusalem Patriarchate in the Principalities see Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 132, 159-60, 188, 193. The Patriarch Chrysanthos Notaras, Dositheus’s nephew and successor, spent most of his time in Moldavia and Wallachia (ibid. p. 227). James Dallaway, in his Constantinople, Ancient and Modern (published in 1797), p. 380, says that the Patriarchs of Antioch and Jerusalem have to live at Constantinople because their poverty obliges them to depend upon the bounty of the Patriarch of Constantinople. This is not quite accurate with regard to the Patriarch of Jerusalem, who liked to live in Constantinople in order to keep in touch with his properties in the Principalities.

587 For the organization of the parish, which has remained unaltered to the present day, see P. Hammond,

The Waters of Marah, pp. 28 ff.

588 W. Turner, Journal of a Tour in the Levant, in, pp. 509-10.

589 See above, pp. 220-2.

590 J. Pitton de Tournefort, Relation d’un voyage du Levant, fait par ordre du roi, i, p. 98, says that the Greek clergy cannot really read the service-books and do not understand what they are repeating, and, p. 114, that they are no longer capable of preaching sermons. Even the sympathetic Ricaut had complained that English mechanics were ‘ more learned and knowing than the Doctors and Clergy of Greece’ (The Present State of the Greek and Armenian Churches, Anno Christi 1678, preface, p. 28). J. Spon, Voyages d’Italie, de Dalmatic, de Grece, et du Levant, II, pp. 200-2, had been impressed by the library of the Archbishop of Athens, Anthimos III, in 1674. But Athens was exceptional in its cultural traditions. English travellers of the early nineteenth century, such as W. M. Leake, Travels in Northern Greece, published in 1838 but based on travels made in the early years of the century, H. Holland, Travels in the Ionian Islands, Albania, Thessaly, Macedonia, etc., during the years 1812 and 1813, and Dr Hunt, Mount Athos: An Account of the Monastic Institutions and Libraries, published in 1818 in R. Walpole, Memoirs relating to European and Asiatic Turkey (2nd edition), all continually accuse Greek monks of utter ignorance and worthlessness, as do later R. Curzon, Visits to Monasteries in the Levant (1848), and Edward Lear, who refers to the monks of Athos as ‘these muttering, miserable, mutton-hating, man-avoiding, Misogynic, morose and merriment-marring, monotoning, many-mule-making, mocking, mournful, minced fish and marmalade-masticating Monx’ (letter to C. Fortescue (1856), quoted in A. Davidson, Life of Edward Lear (Penguin edition), p. 98). But it must be remembered that most of these travellers equated learning with Classical learning and would have been annoyed had the monks been sufficiently sophisticated to prevent their purloining of Classical manuscripts. On the other hand Dean Waddington in his book on The Present Condition of the Greek or Oriental Church, based on his travels to Greece in 1823-4, wrote with some respect of the monasteries (pp. 79-94), though he was shocked by the ignorance of the parish priests (p. 108).


591 Libraries of monasteries in the outskirts of Constantinople now transferred to die Phanar contain a number of Classical works copied after the conquest, especially the Kamariotissa, which had MSS of Demosthenes, Homer, Theocritus and Lucian, copied in the sixteenth century and later. See the draft catalogue in the Phanar library. The catalogue of the monastery of Agia Triada on Halki has a note remarking that many of the best MSS were taken away by Sir Thomas Roe in 1628 and are now at Oxford. See above, p. 279.

592 See F. and E. Cumont, Voyage d’exploration archéologique dans le Pont et la Petite Arménie, pp. 371-2.

593 SeeD. M. Nicol, Meteora, the Rock Monasteries of Thessaly, pp. 169-70; N.Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 130, 142-3.

594 Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance, pp. 142, 158-60.

595 P. Belon, Les Observations de plusieurs singularité et choses memorables trouvées en Grece, Asie, Indie, Arabic et autres pays estranges (1583 edition), p. 83.

596 For Michael Cantacuzenus’s books, see above, p. 197; for a full account of Margunius’s bequests see D. J. Geanakoplos, Byzantine East and Latin West, pp. 181-90; for Dionysius IV see Gedeon, Πατριαρχικοι Πινακες, p. 593. His will is dated 1678.

597 Gedeon, op. tit. pp. 631-2, 650.

598 See above, p. 220.

599 Curzon, op. cit. pp. 279-311, 357-449.

600 See F. W. Hasluck, Athos and its Monasteries, pp. 55-60.

601 For the Klephts see A. Phrantzis, Επιτομη της Ιστοριας της αναγεννηθεισης Ελλαδος, 1, pp. 40 ff. See also Papadopoullos, Studies and Documents relating to the History of the Greek Church and People under Turkish Domination, Bibliotheca Graeca Aevi Posterioris, 1, pp. 147-9.

602 For Freemasonry in Greece see N. Botzaris, Visions balkaniques dans la preparation de la revolution grecque, pp. 71-81,E.G. Protopsaltis, Η Φιλικη Εταιεια,pp. 19-20

603 The basic work on Korais is D. Thereianos, Adamantios Koraes (3 vols.). See P. Sherrard, The Greek East and the Latin West, pp. 179-86.

604 See A. Daskalakis, Les OEuvres de Rhigas Velestinlis, passim; S. Lampros, Αποκαλυψις περι του μαρτυριου του Ρηγα; K. Amantos, Ανεκδοτα εγγραφα περι Ρηγα Βελεστινλη.

605 D. Philippides and G. Constantas, Γεωγραφια Νεωτερικη, 2 vols., passim (for extracts see Papadopoullos, op. cit. pp. 136-7). Ελληνικη Νομαρχια υτοι Λογος περι Ελευθεριας (ed. Tomadakis), passim.

606 The full title of the pamphlet is Διδασκαλια Πατρικη. Συντεθεια παρα του Μακ. Πατριαρχου της αγιας Ιερουσαλημ … , printed in Constantinople in 1798. See also D. Zakythinos, Η Τουρκοκρατιαp. 82, for a version of the text. S. Macraios, Υπομνηματα Εκκ. Ιστοριας, in Sathas, Μεσαιωνικη Βιβλιοθηκη, p. 394, accuses Gregory, whom he did not like, of having taken advantage of Anthimus’s moribund state to issue the pamphlet in his name.

607 A. Korais, Αδελφικη Διδασκαλια προς τους ευρισκομενους κατά πασαν την Οθωμανικην επικρατειαν Γραικους … .

608 Botzaris, op. cit. pp. 83-100. Dallaway, who knew Constantine Ypsilanti, thought him wise and estimable (op. cit. p. 103). The historian, A. C. Hypsilantis, Τα μετα την Αλωσιν, writing in 1789, believed that the Greeks had forfeited their chances of liberty owing to their evil ways and only the Russians could save them (op. cit. p. 534).

609 An English translation of the Essai is published in C. Swan, Voyage up the Mediterranean (1826). There is also a Greek translation by someone who gives his name as ‘N. Ηδαιεφαβ (sic, obviously a code of some description) entitled Συγγραμματα των από την Κωνσταντινουπολιν πριγκιπων της Βγαχομολδαβιας, των λεγομενων Θαναριωτων, παρα του Μαρκου Φιλιπποθ Ζαλλωνη … (Paris, 1831). It is likely that the translator was Korais. Zallonis often makes false accusations, as when he accuses the Phanariots for the Orthodox Church’s hostility to Rome (pp. I38ff. of French edition). The English traveller Thornton is almost as scathing about Phanariot rule (T. Thornton, The Present State of Turkey, II, pp. 297-380, published in 1809); but Thornton disliked all Greeks. W. Wilkinson, An Account of the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia, passim, is fairer-minded and gives the Phanariots credit for their efforts to improve education. Dr Adam Neale, passing through Moldavia in 1805, thought well of the government of Alexander Mouroussi, but regarded him as an exception (Travels through some parts of Germany, Poland, Moldavia and Turkey, p. 164).

610 A. Phrantzis, op. cit., he. cit. Phrantzis, a Peloponnesian writing about events that took place within his lifetime, and himself a member of the Hetaireia, is a reliable source. When Leake visited the Great Meteoron in 1810, the abbot and two of his monks were away in prison at Jarmina for having sheltered some Klephts, a little unwillingly, from Ali Pasha’s police (Leake, op. cit. IV, p. 542).

611 Botzaris, op. cit. pp. 71-81; Protopsaltis, op. cit. pp. 15-18.

612 Botzaris, op. cit. pp. 83-100; E. G. Protopsalti, Η Φιλικη Εταιρεια, pp. 21 ff. A good contemporary account of the Society is given by Dean Waddington in his Visit to Greece, 1823-4, pp. xvi-xxx. Protopsalti, op. cit. pp. 245-55, reproduces the constitution and oaths of the Society.

613 J. Philemon, Δοκιμιον Ιστορικον περι της Ελληενικης Επαναστασεως, 1, pp. 157-8: Botzaris, op. cit. pp. 95-6: T. Kandiloros, Ιστορια του Εθνομαρτυρα Γρηγοριου του Ε’, pp. 123-34.

614 There is as yet no good life of Capodistrias. For his early career and his relation to the Society, see Botzaris, op. cit. pp. 75, 77, 86-7, 97-100.

615 Botzaris, op. tit. pp. 133-42.

616 See N. Jorga, Izvoarele contemporane asupra miscarii lui Tudor Vladimirescu, introduction, passim: Botzaris, op. cit. pp. 143 ff.

617 Protopsaltis, op. cit. pp. 70-84, with documents.

618 The best contemporary account of the revolt, as seen from Constantinople, is given in R. Walsh, Residence at Constantinople during the Greek and Turkish Revolutions, 1, pp. 299-333. Events in the Principalities are given by two contemporary Roumanian writers, Ivan Darzeanu, Cronica Revolutiei din 1821, and Mihai Cioranu, Revolutia lui Tudor Vladimirescu, both published in Jorga, Byzance apres Byzance. There is a vast literature dealing with the rising in Greece itself.

619 The actions of the Holy Synod and the Patriarch and Gregory’s death are graphically described by Walsh, op. cit. 1, pp. 311 ff. He actually witnessed the Patriarch’s hanging. See also Kandiloros, op. cit. pp. 214 ff.


Yüklə 1,08 Mb.

Dostları ilə paylaş:
1   ...   17   18   19   20   21   22   23   24   25




Verilənlər bazası müəlliflik hüququ ilə müdafiə olunur ©muhaz.org 2024
rəhbərliyinə müraciət

gir | qeydiyyatdan keç
    Ana səhifə


yükləyin