Interviews

Participation and the Mediation of Contestation.

The above section explores the differing cultures that co-existed within the ANC, including those of the more consultative style of the UDF and trade union tradition, and the more tightly controlled leadership and decision making style of the ANC in exile. These diverse traditions indicate that there will be contestation between these and emerging interests within the broader church of the ANC. Mediation of these differences is a constant. What is critical is understanding the ways in which these differences are mediated and the spaces that exist for such mediation.
What were the mechanisms put in place by the ANC to mediate class interests on economic issues in terms of a transformation that extended beyond the necessary but limited emphasis on racial transformation? How do we build future oriented institutions for current and future mediation of competing interests, taking into account as a point of departure the large power imbalances that exist within society?
‘One of the early spaces within the transition was the ANC think-tank MERG –(the Macroeconomic Research Group) on plans for a programme of economic growth intended to benefit the mass of South Africans. This provided the intellectual space to probe issues pertaining to the mediation, the shape and options for the operationalization and implementation of transformation for a liberation government that was having to act and prioritise in real time. The RDP had its roots in the 1993 produced by MERG work, Making Democracy Work, which proposed a strong state presence in economic policy under a future ANC government. This initiative was however jettisoned soon after to make way for Gear.’
‘We knew that any vision would be contested both from within and without. We relied on our debate and discussion culture in the ANC, which was very evident pre -1994, to enable us to withstand challenges and win over others to the transformational ideal.’
‘Collective bargaining was the precursor to our negotiations.’
In sharp contrast to the lack of technical skill and capacity regarding the running of a state or transformation of institutions, the “Liberation Movement” encompassing inside & outside organisations excelled at conflict resolution and mediation skills and capacity- the violence of the 90’s was arrested by a combination of creative and courageous initiatives at community level. The role of those affected was paramount in the solution. Hence disputes and potential for violence was mediated and extinguished at the community level.

The Constitution of South Africa.

Does the SA Constitution encapsulate this earlier vision of social and other transformation, even in the current context?
‘Enfranchisement as envisioned by the ANC is encapsulated in the Bill of Rights. The Constitution remains relevant in the current circumstances. The Bill of Rights outlines these aspirations in a broader social and economic sense, the critical challenge is how do we operationalise “equality” – a necessary condition for re-enfranchisement?’
‘The Constitution is the totality, the outcome combines all four generations of rights, including access to information, so by four generations I refer to political rights, socio-economic rights, environmental rights and information rights. The progressive nature of the South African Constitution lies in the recognition of all four generations of rights, which was part of the vision espoused by O. R. Tambo.
The Constitution is not a compromise document, because it does reflect the four generations of rights – it is a framework, the scaffolding, but we need builders and engineers. The problem is with the implementers, the Constitution does not itself limit any designs. The Constitution provides the framework and the necessary limits, for instance, property – the Constitution provides the framework within which transformation must happen. If we have not moved at the necessary speed or depth, it is because the implementers have failed, including government, public servants and civil society that should ensure that we are able to claim our rights.’
‘The constitution is still a very good framework for going forwards. It provides poor people with great grounds for access. I have never viewed it as a compromise document, I just think that we have become so overwhelmed in governing, we have so many disparate priorities and policies. You can have as many PowerPoint presentations as you like, but unless we have space for policy reflection like you had pre-94. The civil society organisations involved in policy reflection need to be more articulate. This cannot just be left up to Luthuli House, we need to be able to draw on a broader brains trust to enable us to be engaged with the correct questions.’

Challenges and Limitations to Transformation.

Marikana and other industrial disputes illustrate the extent to which our economy is still based on the colonial mining complex, with the antecedent semi-skilled, low paid employment and limited career pathing, resulting in the fact that conditions of employment for semi-skilled positions become perceived as the only avenues for workers to seek to improve the quality of their lives and those of their families and communities.
Current economic growth in South Africa is built on consumption, driven by consumption by the middle-classes rather than production or manufacturing. The need for re-industrialisation as being a base for economic inclusion and diversity is often talked about and forms the basis for the New Growth Path and other development plans, but where will the investment for this come from? In the absence of reformulating the shape and nature of the economy, how far can the Constitution act to promote transformation, or is there too large a disjuncture? What will drive the shape and pace of economic transformation if not the Constitution? To what extent can we challenge the global top-down orthodox views of the spaces for national interests and transformation?
What kind of economic base would be necessary to provide for the fullness of the vision of transformation contained in the constitutional principles?
‘The ANC has always believed in a mixed economy. Almost every economy in the world is mixed.’
‘The ANC had no clue how to change the economy pre-1994.
The British established the mining industry and commercialized agriculture, the Afrikaners moved from an agricultural basis to an industrialized base, but the ANC allowed themselves to be participants not drivers through consumption.

Since 1994, the visible economic growth is seen in the mushrooming of shopping malls, fenced residential property, and old white capital still owns this.

An economy cannot be built on consumption alone- since 1998 there is no evidence of production, South Africa is still heading towards its financial crisis moment. Manufacturing is dying and mining is contracting and these are the mainstays of our economy. This situation has arisen because government sought to pursue “share-schemes”, and not to focus on production. BEE in its current form has not contributed to job creation and is part of the problem not the solution.’
‘For economic transformation,, you first have to scan your economy to see and anticipate what your economy will need going forward like the Chinese did. The Afrikaners did this – they worked out what they needed – like steel for manufacturing.
The Chinese are importing our chrome, they have a plan. We just export – what is our current plan, let along the future plans?’
‘Economic transformation is essential, but there is still a huge amount that can be done around social transformation that affects every day realities. We need to hold people to account for implementation, and also government. There is a huge amount of work that needs to be done in terms of social transformation. We need to acknowledge that there is a difference between the ultimate (structural0 transformation and social transformation.
Trade.
‘South Africa is hailed to be positioned as the gateway to the continent- but we didn’t understand how to invest in Africa to be a gateway.
Trade barriers: we placed our faith in the trade institutions- now we have little of a manufacturing sector to talk of, and we signed over our basic resources, we have an over- optimism of how much we can deliver on.’
‘Any economy is built on the back of a solid Education foundation, the crisis in our education and health systems has a direct impact on our economy in the immediate term and future prospects for transforming and building the economy. The pillars for the future are in an appalling state.