Just listen
Yüklə 1,83 Mb.
|
- Bu səhifədəki naviqasiya:
- TEXT AA
- MUSIC
- TEXT ANNCR
- Chapter 62 GLOBAL TERRORISM in TURKEY a.
- Chapter 63 Iraqi Oil Industry a.
| particular____points. And then in the concluding paragraph they just tell the reader what they already told them in drawing it together.
"So what you're saying here is that you may start off with this, but 24-_expand___from there." And when they get to college they have a rude 25_awakening__ many times, because they realize that they are 26_required_to think and that the content of their paper should be their thoughts and not what everyone else has said about this particular topic. "The sad thing is, I think, that students are not taught that there are so many different ways of writing and that it all depends upon your audience and your 27_audience___. That's one of the things that gets back to the imagination 28_aspect_of it. Virginia Monseau is a professor of English and 29__secondary____education at Youngstown State University in Youngstown, Ohio, and is herself a 30_former___high school English teacher. TEXT AA: I'm Avi Arditti with Rosanne Skirble, and this week on Wordmaster -- some views about encouraging creative writers in American schools. RS: Virginia Monseau [mon-SO] teaches future English teachers. She's a professor at Youngstown State University in Ohio and outgoing editor of English Journal, published by the National Council of Teachers of English. AA: Professor Monseau writes this month about the role of imagination in the curriculum. She tells us that, in her opinion, American culture does not place enough value on imagination in children, especially older ones, and she says this is reflected in many classrooms. MONSEAU: "On the one hand, certainly creativity and imagination would involve inventing stories where you write creatively to invent characters, to invent plot lines and so on. And usually, as far as children and curriculum go, we allow children to do that in the early grades. But, for me, I think there are other ways that we can look at it as well. "Students don't have to be inventing monsters and flying brooms, a la Harry Potter, that sort of thing, because a lot of children, I think, are very intimidated by that sort of thing and if they're invited to write that way would really be, I think, a little frightened of their ability to do -- whether they could that kind of thing. "Just encouraging students to see in a work of literature a connection to their lives, for example. Encouraging them to take an unusual perspective on something they read, whether it's a story or a poem or whatever. Those are some of the ways that I define imaginative work in the classroom."
that mold because they've been so used to writing in that way for the last four years as part of their high school work. And when they get to college they have a rude awakening many times, because they realize that they are required to think and that the content of their paper should be their thoughts and not what everyone else has said about this particular topic. "The sad thing is, I think, that students are not taught that there are so many different ways of writing and that it all depends upon your audience and your purpose. That's one of the things that gets back to the imagination aspect of it. You know, it's sort of like, who are you writing to, first of all, and why are you writing this piece. What are you trying to get across, and what is it going to take for you to do that."
Broadcast on "Coast to Coast": May 22, 2003 Chapter 61 Five Labor Leaders in History a.
b.
TEXT ANNCR: Welcome to People in America in VOA Special English. At the beginning of the twentieth century, American laborers often worked long hours for little pay. Many worked under extremely dangerous conditions. About five-hundred-thousand workers, however, had joined groups called labor unions, hoping to improve their situation. Today, Rich Kleinfeldt and Sarah Long tell about five labor leaders who worked to improve conditions for American workers. VOICE ONE: In Nineteen-Hundred, the largest national organization of labor unions was the American Federation of Labor. Its head was Samuel Gompers. Gompers had moved to New York with his parents when he was thirteen years old. He was twenty-four when he began working for the local union of cigar makers. He worked for the labor movement for sixty years. VOICE TWO: Samuel Gompers had helped create the A-F-L in the late Eighteen-Eighties. He led the organization for all but one year until his death in Nineteen-Twenty-Four. Gompers defined the purpose of the labor movement in America. He also established the method used to solve labor disputes. Gompers thought unions should work only to increase wages, improve work conditions and stop unfair treatment of workers. He called his method pure and simple unionism. Samuel Gompers sought immediate change for workers. He used group actions such as strikes as a way to try to force company owners to negotiate. VOICE ONE: Gompers was criticized for going to social events with industry leaders, and for compromising too easily with employers. But Gompers believed such actions helped his main goal. He believed if workers were respected their employers would want to make working conditions better. Under the leadership of Samuel Gompers, the labor movement won its first small gains. For example, the federal government recognized the right of workers to organize. That happened when union representatives were part of the National War Labor Board during World War One. VOICE TWO: John L. Lewis expanded the American labor movement with a campaign he called organizing the unorganized. Lewis was the head of the United Mine Workers of America. He also was the vice-president of the A-F-L. In Nineteen-Thirty-Five, Lewis formed the Committee for Industrial Organization within the A-F-L. He wanted the C-I-O to organize workers in mass production industries, such as automobile industry. The A-F-L mainly organized unions of workers who had the same skills. But Lewis believed skilled and unskilled workers in the same industry should be organized into the same union. Congress passed the National Labor Relations Act in Nineteen-Thirty-Five. It gave workers the legal right to join unions and to negotiate with employers. John L. Lewis thought it was the right time to press the large industries to recognize workers’ rights. The A-F-L, however, decided not to support such action and expelled the unions that belonged to the C-I-O. In Nineteen-Thirty-Six, the C-I-O began operating as another national labor organization. Lewis was its leader. VOICE ONE: John L. Lewis was an extremely colorful and effective speaker. He had worked as a coal miner and could relate to the most terrible conditions workers faced. More than three million workers joined the C-I-O in its first year as a separate organization. For the first time, labor won many strikes and permanent improvements in workers conditions. For many years, presidents, members of Congress, and business leaders considered John L. Lewis the voice of labor. And, American workers saw Lewis as their hero. By the Nineteen-Fifties, the labor movement an established part of American life. VOICE TWO: Walter Reuther was the vice-president of the C-I-O under Lewis, and became its president in Nineteen-Fifty-Two. Reuther believed unions had a social responsibility. His ideas were partly influenced by his German father who was a socialist. Walter Reuther was trained to make tools to cut metal. He joined the United Automobile Workers union when it first formed in Nineteen-Thirty-Five. VOICE ONE: Walter Reuther was president of the United Auto Workers for twenty-three years beginning in Nineteen-Forty-Six. He shaped the U-A-W into one of the most militant and forward-looking unions. He held strikes to gain increased wages for workers, but, at the same time, he expected workers to increase their rate of production. He was the first to link pay raises to productivity increases. Reuther also was greatly concerned about civil rights and the environment. In Nineteen-Fifty-Five, Reuther helped the A-F-L and C-I-O re-join as one organization. Reuther’s ideas were recognized worldwide. But they also brought him enemies. He survived three murder attempts. He said, “You have to make up your mind whether you are willing to accept things as they are or whether you are willing to try to change them.” VOICE TWO: A. Philip Randolph is known for combining the labor and civil rights movements. Randolph became involved with unions in Nineteen-Twenty-Five. A group of black workers on passenger trains asked him to organize a union, The Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Randolph was not a laborer. He was the college-educated son of a minister. He published a socialist magazine in New York City. He was known as a fighter for black rights. Randolph strongly believed that economic conditions affected rights and power for African-Americans. For twelve years, Randolph fought the Pullman Company that employed the passenger train workers. In 1935, Pullman finally agreed to negotiate with the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters. Two years later, the porters’ union signed the first labor agreement between a company and a black union. A. Philip Randolph led the Brotherhood of Sleeping Car Porters for forty-three years. In Nineteen-Fifty-Seven he became vice-president of the A-F-L--C-I-O. Randolph used large group protests to change work conditions. He planned marches on the capital in Washington to protest the unequal treatment of black workers by the government. In Nineteen-Sixty-Three, Randolph planned the ‘March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom.’ At this huge peaceful gathering, civil rights leader, Martin Luther King Junior, made his famous “I have a dream” speech. Within a year the civil rights amendment passed guaranteeing equal rights for blacks and other minorities.
VOICE ONE: Cesar Chavez created a new strike method called a boycott. People refused to buy products of a company accused of treating farm workers badly. Chavez also publicized the dangers of some farm chemicals. Cesar Chavez improved the conditions of farm workers by making their mistreatment a national issue.
Broadcast: September 5, 2005 By Linda Burchill Chapter 62 GLOBAL TERRORISM in TURKEY a.
b.
c. 1. The targets of terrorist attacks in Istanbul were two synagogues, a British bank, and the British consulate. 2. Suicide bombers attacked their targets by igniting four trucks filled with explosives. 3. Ms. Morekli reacted to the terrorist attacks by stating her protest against those criminals and terrorists. She voiced her hatred towards them. She felt terrified and also worried for her loved ones. 4. There were 60 casualties, and nearly 1,000 people were injured. 5. A difference between terrorist attacks by the PKK and suicide bombers is the proportion of the terrorism. PKK bombings used to constitute of individual assassinations and rather small-scale bombings, whereas suicide bombings have been executed by terrorists who were trained at Osama bin Laden’s camps in Afghanistan, thus linking them to the international terrorist organization al-Qaida. 6. Al-Qaida selected Turkey as a target of terrorism, because it has been a NATO ally for over 50 years - as the only Muslim NATO country, that is. Moreover, Turkey has very close relations with the United States and the United Kingdom, as well as with Israel – which is unique for a Muslim country. 7. According to Sabri Sayari, the international terrorist organization al-Qaida and Osama bin Laden lie beneath these terrorist attacks. Moreover, these perpetrators of the bombings wanted to make a point that Turkey’s relationship with the United States could bring greater danger to Turkey in the coming months and years. TEXT Although terrorism is not new to Turkey, the country had never faced anything like the devastating suicide bombings that ripped through Istanbul last November. Many analysts say the uniquely secular Muslim nation remains a vulnerable target of the al-Qaida terrorist network for many reasons. VOA's Brent Hurd reports on 'why Turkey' and how Turks have dealt with what one newspaper called 'Turkey's September 11.'Today, the deafening sound of a suicide bomber igniting a truck filled with explosives is heard in more parts of the world than ever before.- Last November, the people of Istanbul shuddered from this sound four times. The first two attacks targeted synagogues during the Jewish Sabbath. Five days later, a British bank and the British consulate were rocked by powerful explosions near crowded urban centers. Across the Bosporus straits on the Asian side of Istanbul, Cigdem Morekli, a 38-year-old teacher, was in her apartment when the blasts occurred. “It was about 10 in the morning. I was preparing breakfast and I heard the explosion. I did not know what was going on. Then I heard another explosion and a relative called me. I knew there was something going on. I immediately turned on the TV and I saw people crying and full of blood. Some of them were dead, lying in the street.” Just the day before, Ms. Morekli was near the British consulate located in Beyoglu - a commercial district dotted with foreign embassies. Her reaction to the bombers reflects what many Turks felt. “Istanbul is a very cosmopolitan city. We have Jewish, Christian and Muslims living together peacefully for centuries. I really protest those criminals and terrorists. I felt hatred towards them. And I felt really terrified. I was worrying about my parents, my friends and myself because we face the danger of dying each day we go out. A little boy was crying and asked why does this happen? Why do other people kill humans?” In all, flying bits of metal and shards of glass had ripped through nearly one thousand people, killing more than 60 -- most of whom were Turks. Britain's top diplomat in the city, Roger Short, was also killed. The attacks took place while President Bush met with British Prime Minister Tony Blair in London and as most Turks prepared to celebrate the end of the Islamic holy month of Ramadan. Turkish officials have arrested and charged more than 30 people in connection with the suicide attacks. Police seized enough explosives in one suspect's house for five truck bombs of the kind used in the assaults. Sabri Sayari is Director of the Institute of Turkish Studies at Georgetown University here in Washington. He points out that terrorism is not new in Turkey. During the 1980s and 90s, the Kurdistan Workers' Party, or PKK, carried out terrorist attacks during its war with Turkish forces in the southeastern part of the country. Since the capture of its top leader Abdullah Ocalan in 1999, the PKK has changed its name and says it has abandoned its weapons to campaign peacefully for Kurdish rights. “Turkey has had a long experience with terrorism, but of course, the proportions of this kind of massive terrorism has never been seen,” says Mr. Sayari. “In the past it has been with individual assassinations and rather small-scale bombings. Even though Turks were used to living in an environment of terrorism, they had never experienced this intense situation before, and I think it has created shock waves throughout the body politic and society.” Turkish authorities have linked the suicide bombers to the international terrorist organization al-Qaida. Officials say many were trained in Afghanistan at Osama bin Laden's camps. Mr. Sayari believes al-Qaida selected Istanbul to frighten Turkey and other countries allied with the United States. “The perpetrators of these terrible bombings wanted to make a point that Turkey's relationship with the United States could bring greater danger to Turkey in the coming months and years.” Zeyno Baran, Director of International Security and Energy Programs at the Nixon Center in Washington, agrees. Furthermore, she believes that Turkey has been a target of al-Qaida for quite some time. “The question is 'why Turkey?' It has been a NATO ally for over 50 years. It is the only Muslim NATO country. It has very close relations with the United States and the United Kingdom, as well as Israel - which are unique for a Muslim country.” Some analysts say US-Turkish relations are showing strain. Washington was surprised last March when the Turkish parliament refused to let US troops invade Iraq from Turkey. Chapter 63 Iraqi Oil Industry a.
b.
Yüklə 1,83 Mb. Dostları ilə paylaş:
|
