Oxford history of the christian church

4. Photius's second patriarchate (877-886): the council of 879-880: the alleged second Photian schism.

It appeared to have been understood that when Ignatius died Photius would be reinstated as Patriarch. This inevitably involved a new council to revoke the former conciliar condemnations, and with this in mind Basil I wrote to Rome in 877 before the death of Ignatius. ⁵¹ As the papacy needed imperial help against the Saracens attacking Italy, the moment was propitious. The papal legates, Eugenius, bishop of Ostia, and Paul, bishop of Ancona, were dispatched to Constantinople. They travelled by way of Bulgaria and as they went exhorted the Bulgarians to expel 'the perfidious Greeks'. Ignatius was also threatened with excommunication and deposition. As it happened, Ignatius had died on 23 October 877 and on 26 October Photius reascended the patriarchal throne. Faced with this situation when they arrived in Constantinople, the legates were at a loss and felt that they could not act. Fresh letters were then sent to John VIII by Basil and Photius and the clergy of Constantinople. The Pope was asked to recognize Photius and to take part in a new council to annul anti-Photian measures. ⁵² If only for political reasons, the Pope did not wish to antagonize the Byzantine Emperor and he wisely recognized the strength of the support for Photius among the clergy. He discussed the problem with a small committee and then dispatched the cardinal-priest Peter to Constantinople with his terms. He also circularized all relevant parties -the Emperor and the Patriarch Photius, the oriental patriarchs and the clergy in Constantinople, particularly the small but hard-core group of pro-Ignatians. ⁵³ By reason of his position as head of the universal Church the Pope claimed the authority to release Photius and his clergy from penalties previously imposed. He would recognize Photius as Patriarch, but only on condition that he apologized for his earlier offences in the forthcoming council and refrained from any activity in Bulgaria. Photius's opponents were enjoined to recognize him and if they did so they were not to be further penalized. Thus unity was to be restored within the Byzantine Church and between Rome and Constantinople. It was emphasized that the Pope had the right to bind and to loose.

The Byzantines did not see it quite in this light and the Commonitoriumwhich the legates brought was somewhat altered in the Greek version which was read in the fourth session of the council and signed by those present. In the face of John VIII's firm assertion that Photius should not have reascended the patriarchal throne without papal permission, Photius consistently maintained that he had never been rightfully deposed. Further it was made clear to the legates that each of the patriarchates was accustomed to chose its patriarch without interference from another patriarchate (a hit at the papacy). Photius therefore naturally refused to offer any public apology and it was understandable that the papal demand for this did not appear in the Greek version of the Commonitorium. The Latin text is not extant, but Dvornik has shown that most of the Greek contents correspond to passages on the subject to be found in papal letters and that, apart from the apology and a watering down of the Bulgarian request, there appeared to be no drastic changes. It would therefore be unfair to charge Photius and his advisers with wholesale fabrication, as has been done in the past. ⁵⁴ The legates must have been aware that an exact translation had not been produced, but they had already been censured by John VIII for their lack of initiative on their arrival in Constantinople and they probably realized that inflexible opposition would only result in a further rift which was the last thing that the Pope desired.

The council opened in Hagia Sophia with 383 bishops present, a testimony to the strength of Photius's support. It met under the presidency of Photius, probably because Basil I was in mourning for the death of his son Constantine and therefore was not appearing in public. The choice of Photius, a former imperial official, as president was not unprecedented; Tarasius, also an ex-civil servant, had done the same at Nicaea II, on that occasion because the ruler was a woman. Acts against Photius, including the Roman council of 867 under Hadrian II and almost certainly the Ignatian council of 868-9 (Constantinople IV), were annulled. Nicaea II was declared a general council and reference was made to the use of icons and the elevation of laymen to the episcopate. One session, with a limited membership, was held in the imperial palace under the Emperor's presidency. As customary, a symbol of faith (Horos) was agreed on: and it was emphasized that there was to be no change in the tradition of the fathers or in the creed. On the filloque Rome and Constantinople still seemed to be at one: this had not yet been added to the creed in use in Rome, though it was found elsewhere in the West, notably in Spain and in the Carolingian Empire. The Horos, signed by the Emperor together with the acta was then presented at the last and full session of the council and accepted.

The question of Bulgaria had been raised when the pontifical letters were read in the second session. Here Photius pointed out that he had made no ecclesiastical appointments there since he had come to the patriarchal throne and he referred to his previous letter to Nicholas I where he had expressed his willingness to restore the sees claimed by Rome had this been within his power. It was however then, as previously, a matter for 'imperial decision and other canonical considerations', which really meant that any ecclesiastical readiness to compromise had to be endorsed by the Emperor, and it was suggested in the council that there might even be agreement in the Church over future diocesan redistribution. At this point the matter was however ruled out of order and promptly dropped. In fact Greek missionaries already in Bulgaria stayed there despite Basil's alleged willingness 'to allow St Peter to take possession again of the Bulgarian diocese' (according to John VIII's letter to Basil). ⁵⁵ In any case the Bulgarian ruler, anxious to establish an autonomous Church, made his own decision, which in the end favoured Constantinople and not Rome. ⁵⁶

John VIII did not react altogether favourably to the proceedings of the 879-80 council. In his reply to the Emperor he certainly expressed gratitude for the concession over the Bulgarian diocese and he hoped for continuing help in the defence of the Holy Roman Church. He did however add that though supporting Photius's reinstatement he could only approve his legates' actions as long as they were not against 'apostolic instructions'. ⁵⁷ To Photius he expressed astonishment that so much that he had expressly laid down had been altered and changed. ⁵⁸ But John VIII was sufficient of a diplomat and a realist to understand that Photius was firmly established with the Byzantine Church behind him. He may also have become aware of the misleading nature of the information fed to the papacy by dissidents such as Theognostus. In any case he did genuinely desire to promote church unity.

It was for long maintained that John VIII changed his mind and condemned Photius and that this second schism was continued by his successors, Marinus I (882-4), always hostile to Photius, Stephen VI (885-91), and Formosus (891-6), another enemy. But Dvornik has shown that the evidence found in the Anti-Photian Collection appended to the acts of the 869-70 council is unreliable and that in fact no second schism took place. ⁵⁹ This view did however become part of the gradual Latin build-up of the legend whereby Photius was regarded in the West as a schismatic villain and arch-heretic, though as early as the seventeenth century the protestants had their doubts about this. But the historical vindication of Photius really only took place during the last hundred years and it was the work of a number of scholars investigating independently. Of these, Dvornik in particular has greatly strengthened the case for Photius. ⁶⁰

Though it is now generally accepted that Photius's second term of office was not marked by schism with Rome, there still remained difficulties for him within the Byzantine Church. Led by Stylianus of Neocaesarea and Metrophanes of Smyrna, a small group of Ignatians obstinately refused to recognize him. It is not clear how far they were implicated in Photius's resignation (29 September 886). ⁶¹ It is more likely that political factors were involved, since the retirement, allegedly on the ground of old age and illness, coincided with the accession of Leo VI (30 August 886). The new Emperor had had an unhappy boyhood and he had reason to regard with suspicion Theodore Santabarenus, one of Photius's friends. He also wished to provide for his younger brother Stephen who was chosen by the standing synod of Constantinople to become the new Patriarch (18 December 886). Photius was exiled to a monastery. He died in communion with Rome.