Oxford history of the christian church

10. The authority of the Byzantine Church in the later middle ages (c.1334-1453).

The drama of the struggle for imperial survival dominated the Aegean in the later middle ages and inevitably the Byzantine Church was closely involved in two respects. As has been shown, it had to attempt to make good the disruption to ecclesiastical life caused by the Latin conquests, and then it took part in the proposals for ending the schism with Rome. The union however broke down. The Ottoman took over the East Roman Empire. But such disasters should not be allowed to convey unmitigated failure at this time. Other more important activities were taking place within the Orthodox world which were to strengthen the Church and enable it to survive and act as a vitalizing force for Greeks, the Balkan principalities, and Russia. During a period when official documents, polemic, and debate on the differences between Orthodox and Latin Churches seem almost to monopolize some modern treatments of the subject, the contemporary patriarchal registers provide a corrective. Selecting at random the first term of office of John XIV Calecas (February 1330-2/ 8 February 1347), one sees at once that patriarchal activities — apart from a demanding and wide-ranging everyday administrative routine — include directives to bishops in dioceses under Turkish rule and exhortation to the faithful in such regions, condemnation of the Emperor of Trebizond's second marriage, a ruling to the metropolitan of Russia, elevation of the bishop of Galicia to the rank of metropolitan and assignment to him of suffragan bishops, the confirmation of the ordination of Gerasimus as Patriarch of Jerusalem, as well as involvement in the hesychast problems. Such entries give a lead to some of the more important developments within the Byzantine Church at the time — hesychasm and the spiritual renewal, relations with the Slav churches, arbitration in disputes and conduct within the Orthodox world whether concerning ecclesiastics or laity. In addition the patriarchs were frequently involved in political issues. This was inevitable at a time when support or otherwise of a particular religious issue, that is, hesychasm, was linked to a political party. The retention of the office of Patriarch did largely depend on imperial support and during the period of civil war between John V and Cantacuzenus, and again among the sons of John V, it was almost impossible to remain neutral. Hence various depositions and reinstatements. Such occurrences should not necessarily reflect on the Patriarch concerned.

The Orthodox monastic revival in the later middle ages was stimulated by the hesychast or contemplative way of life. As earlier, Byzantine monastic traditions greatly influenced south-east Europe and Russia, particularly through Mount Athos. ¹⁹⁵ Then Bulgarian Paroria founded by Gregory of Sinai in the 1330s also became for a time another international centre in the Orthodox world, attracting disciples to the spiritual life of prayer, likewise Kilifarevo in the Balkan Mountains near Trnovo founded in the mid-fourteenth century by Theodosius of Trnovo with the support of the Bulgarian tsar. Serbia already had its splendid royal foundations, cenobitic, but not untouched by hesychasm. Late in the fourteenth century houses were set up in Wallachia inspired by Nicodemus, an Athonite who was half Serb, half Greek, who knew the Byzantine hesychast and Patriarch Philotheus. In Russia, again under Byzantine influence, both cenobitic houses and eremitic groups flourished. Sergius of Radonezh (c. 1314-92) founded the Great Lavra of the Trinity at Zagorsk near Moscow (still in existence). Though he himself had for a time lived an eremitic life, at Philotheus' request he adopted for his foundation the cenobitic rule of the Studite house in Constantinople. According to his Life the house was in touch with the Patriarchs of Constantinople. ¹⁹⁶ Further south in the harassed and disputed lands of northern Greece a group of eremitic and cenobitic settlements, the spectacular Meteora, developed on the high isolated peaks of north-west Thessaly. The founder of the Great Meteoron, Athanasius, had become a monk while on Mount Athos where he was inspired by Gregory of Sinai. He also knew Isidore and Callistus (later Patriarchs of Constantinople) who were then living a hesychast life in a hermit settlement dependent on the house of Iviron and were directed by Gregory. Athanasius left the Holy Mountain after being attacked by Turkish raiders and found his refuge on top of one of the peaks of the curious rock formations near Kalambaka. ¹⁹⁷

Thus at every stage the significant role, particularly of Mount Athos, and to a lesser extent and for a limited time the Paroria, emerges. Almost all those who inspired the fourteenth-century monastic revival had received at least some of their training at one of those centres, or in some cases both, perhaps starting in a cenobitic house, and then becoming a member of a lavra, or living as a more isolated hermit. Many of these men were by no means uneducated and, as surviving Lives show, were often widely travelled and experienced in the spiritual life. Some left their own writings ¹⁹⁸ and they translated from Greek into Slavonic such spiritual guides as the Ladder of the seventh-century John Climacus or the contemporary works of Gregory Palamas. Often they turned out to be excellent administrators, both as abbots and in the higher ranks of the clergy, as Patriarch Philotheus Coccinus, who was also something of a diplomat as well as being distinguished for his liturgical work. This fourteenth-century movement was marked by a strongly international character, at least as far as the Orthodox world was concerned, but it owed much of its impetus to the traditions of Greek spirituality. It built up a spiritual powerhouse on which the Orthodox Church could draw during the long struggle against the Turk — and also against the Latins, for there was a deep attachment to traditional Orthodox teaching and in many ways feeling against the claims of the Roman Church was quietly strengthened. Thus when writing to the monks of Trnovo about their own patriarch, Callistus I made it clear in passing that his patriarchate was not in communion with Rome. ¹⁹⁹

The majority of the patriarchs in the fourteenth century were monks in the hesychast tradition. Isidore I (17 May 1347-1 March 1350) was an Athonite, Callistus I (10 June 1350-15 August 1353; beginning 1355-August 1363) had been the hegumenus of Iviron on Mount Athos, Philotheus Coccinus (end August 1353-November/ end 1354; 8 October 1364-summer 1376) had been head of the Great Lavra of Athos. Likewise monks were also among their successors. John XIV Calecas (February 1334-2/ 8 February 1347) was an exception; he had been chaplain to John Cantacuzenus during Andronicus III's reign and then one of the palace clergy. ²⁰⁰

From the 1340s onwards two issues particularly touched the Byzantine patriarchate: its relation to the Palamites and its own position in the wider Orthodox world. Union which so dominated certain diplomatic circles (and also modern textbooks) was not to the forefront except on occasion by express imperial wish. The question of Palamite teaching, which was recognized as Orthodox by the standing synod in Constantinople in 1347 or 1351, was at first closely bound up with the two parties in the civil war between John V Palaeologus and John VI Cantacuzenus, hence the changes in the patriarchate varying with the fortunes of either party. Calecas, who turned against John Cantacuzenus, was deposed. Callistus suffered a similar setback, alternating with Philotheus. Rebuffs of this kind were frequent in Byzantine politics, witness Photius or Athanasius I, and did not necessarily reflect on the quality of the man, or his work for the Byzantine polity.

More important than the ups and downs of office for imperial reasons were the wider influence and claims of the patriarchs during the latter years of the Empire. At a time when the imperial position was being constantly eroded by the Ottoman advance and Latin military aid being implored, the Orthodox Church went its own way, strengthened in its spiritual life and emphasizing its own powers of jurisdiction and moral authority, thus in a way unconsciously preparing for its role under Turkish domination and elsewhere. Byzantine rulers had long lost any real political control over the Balkan principalities, the Mongols were dominating north-east Russia and the pagan principality of Lithuania was supreme in the once Kievan lands. Yet the patriarchate of Constantinople could still successfully assert its ecclesiastical authority, a striking tribute to its standing. And not only in Balkan and Russian lands, for it still took the lead in the long greatly weakened eastern patriarchates and to some extent had undermined the old conception of a pentarchy of equals.

A pressing concern of the Patriarch was the reorganization and the institution of metropolitanates and bishoprics. He also had to combat as far as possible the claims to independence made by comparatively recently formed Balkan patriarchates. Serbia was a force to be reckoned with particularly in the mid-fourteenth century. In 1346 the imperialist-minded Stephen Dushan had converted the archbishopric of Peć into a patriarchate giving its head the provocative title 'Patriarch of the Serbs and Greeks'. This was disputed by Constantinople though the documentation is not always clear, ²⁰¹ particularly concerning the agreement finally reached. After Dushan, Serbia tended to split up. The ruler of Serres came to terms with Constantinople in 1375 recognizing its authority. ²⁰² Peć may have continued to use the title 'patriarch' but its head was referred to as 'archbishop' and not 'patriarch' in the Constantinopolitan chancery. ²⁰³

In Rumanian lands north of the Danube metropolitanates were set up in the emerging principalities in Wallachia ('Ungrovlachia') at Arges (1359) ²⁰⁴ and in Moldavia ('Moldovlachia') at Suceava later in the century, ²⁰⁵ both recognizing Constantinople. Their metropolitans were Greek, appointed by the Great Church. In thus throwing in their lot with the Orthodox world they could act as a bulwark against Roman Catholic Hungary. They drew on Byzantine traditions through Slav channels and though ethnically outside the Slav world for some time they used a liturgy in Church Slavonic. They had close links with Mount Athos. Chariton, one of the metropolitans of Wallachia, had been the hegumenus of the Kutlumus monastery and then protos of Mount Athos. They were familiar with hesychasm through their contacts with Paroria and Kilifarevo as well as the Holy Mountain. Tismana, one of the bestknown early Rumanian monastic houses, was founded by Nicodemus of Greek and Serbian parentage and formerly a monk in the Serbian house of Chilandari on Mount Athos, thus demonstrating once more the international character of Orthodox monasticism in the late middle ages. ²⁰⁶

The Russian Church owed its origin to Byzantine sources and was under the patriarchate of Constantinople. Since 1250 the metropolitan of Kiev and all Russia appeared to have alternated between a Greek and a native Russian. ²⁰⁷ In the fourteenth century drastic territorial changes were taking place. The old Kievan principality was being absorbed into the Grand Duchy of Lithuania. In the centre and north-east the Mongols of the Golden Horde were now dominant and under their tolerant overlordship the principality of Moscow was growing in importance. These changes in the balance of power were reflected in ecclesiastical problems of organization. Originally there had been a single metropolitan of Kiev and all Russia. But with political changes and the expansion of Lithuania in the west the metropolitan had moved, first to Vladimir in 1300, and then in 1328 to Moscow, though keeping his title 'of Kiev and all Russia'. Two problems arose. The emergent duchies of Lithuania and Moscow both aspired to have the see of the Russian metropolitan, the primate of the whole region, or failing this, Lithuania claimed the right to its own metropolitan. Then there was the complication of imperial politics, the desire to see the still partly pagan Lithuania attracted into the Orthodox and not the Latin world, though not at the cost of losing the goodwill of Moscow which looked as though it might get the better of the Mongols (as it eventually did). Further, from the ecclesiastical angle in the changing patriarchal circles there was some difference of opinion as to whether it was wiser to promote centralization or diversity. Philotheus was usually for the former, Callistus for the latter.

The situation was complicated in the mid- fourteenth century by the presence in Constantinople of a strong Lithuanian party of whom the disgruntled anti-Palamite Nicephorus Gregoras was a keen supporter. Lithuania wanted its metropolitan to have the title 'of Kiev and all Russia' and claims of this kind were made when in 1355 Patriarch Callistus again became Patriarch and set up Roman as metropolitan for Lithuania, in opposition to the Muscovite Alexius appointed by Philotheus in 1354. Eventually it was made clear that Roman's authority was limited to Lithuania and after his death his metropolitanate lapsed. But in the 1360s and 1370s the bitter struggle between Lithuania and Moscow led Philotheus to establish a metropolitanate of Galicia (1371), since complaints were made that the Muscovite metropolitan never visited western regions. This was followed in 1375 by the appointment of a Lithuania candidate, Cyprian, as metropolitan of Kiev and all Russia although this title was already held by Alexius, the metropolitan in Moscow. This was not well received by Moscow, though after Alexius's death in 1378 Cyprian moved to Moscow and was accepted, even so not without set-backs. The attempts of Lithuania to get the advantage in the Orthodox Church were halted in 1386 when Jagiello, the son of the pagan ruler Olgerd became a Roman Catholic and married the young queen of Poland. Henceforth Lithuania was linked to a Latin country and did not look towards Constantinople.

Cyprian's two terms of office (1379-83; 1389-1406) were notable. His activities were far-ranging. He travelled widely in his vast metropolitanate. He found himself involved in plans for joining with Poland and Hungary against the Turks — as in Constantinopolitan circles, the Turkish problem could not be ignored even in Muscovy. He specially fostered monasticism and the hesychast tradition and he himself copied works by such Byzantine guides to the spiritual life as John Climacus. In addition he was instrumental in the compilation of various Russian chronicles. In his copy (1397) of the liturgical book, the Euchologion, there is mention of the Byzantine Emperors in the diptychs. This raises the relation between the Muscovite ruler and the Byzantine Emperor. It became known in Constantinople that prince Basil I of Moscow (1389-1425) had opposed the metropolitan's inclusion of the imperial name in the diptychs. The Byzantine Patriarch, then Antony IV (1389-90; 1391-7), wrote to 'the king of Moscow' reproaching him, 'It is not good that you say “We have a Church, but not an Emperor, nor is this a matter for concern to us”', and he continued 'It is not possible for Christians to have a Church and no Emperor, for the Empire and the Church have great unity and fellowship and they cannot be separated one from the other.' ²⁰⁸ And he continued at length on the oecumenical sovereignty of the basileus and autocrator of the Romans. ²⁰⁹

That the late fourteenth century was a time of fast diminishing political power in certain respects made no difference to the Byzantines. The Emperor could still attempt to assert his personal authority in many fields in spite of reduced financial and military resources, though it may have been quietly ignored as in the case of some Muscovite rulers. John V Palaeologus thought it worth while to get synodal confirmation of nine articles defining his authority in exercising control over high ecclesiastical and lay personnel. In most cases he was probably only reasserting what had long been imperial practice but there were one or two additions, for example the right to nominate high officials (archons) in the Great Church and the right of veto in the election of metropolitans who had to promise loyalty to the Emperor (this was probably due to awkward episcopal partisanship during civil war, or even co-operation with the Turk). The Emperor was defined as 'defensor' of the Church and the canons. ²¹⁰ But he did not exercise his rights within the patriarchate of Constantinople unchallenged, otherwise he would not have taken the trouble to call a special synod in the Studite house to confirm and further define these. He could still control patriarchal appointments. The fourteenth century is filled with patriarchal depositions and reinstatements dictated by the political needs of the moment which were often vital in a century of civil wars.

Patriarchs might go in and out of office at imperial will but certainly in the second half of the fourteenth century they had no hesitation in affirming their authority in terms which seemed to run as contrary to the long-held Orthodox theory of the pentarchy and collegial responsibility as did the papal claim to universal primacy. Patriarch Philotheus, addressing the princes (reges) of all Russia in 1370, wrote 'Since God has appointed Our Humility as leader of all Christians found anywhere on the inhabited earth (οɩ+́ㄴουμένη), as solicitor and guardian of their souls, all of them depend on me, the father and teacher of them all'. ²¹¹ In his letter to prince Basil of Moscow Patriarch Antony IV stressed that he was occupying the throne of Christ and was acting for him. ²¹² And, as he pointed out, the Byzantines might have lost many places and lands, but in contrast Christianity was being preached everywhere, and here he must surely have been thinking of the wide diffusion of Orthodoxy.