242
The Arabic Language
people learn the standard only when they go to school. In 1930, William Marçais
called such a linguistic situation ‘diglossia’ (French
diglossie
), a term that he had
borrowed from the literature on the linguistic situation in Greece and which
gained general currency after the appearance in 1959 of an article by Charles
Ferguson with the title ‘Diglossia’. Ferguson compared the linguistic situation in
the Arabic-speaking countries to that in Greece, in German-speaking Switzerland,
and in Haiti. In all four areas, there is a similar functional distribution between
two varieties of the same language (
fuṣḥā
/
ʿāmmiyya
,
katharévousa
/
dhimotikí
,
Hochdeutsch
/
Schwyzertüütsch
,
français
/
créole
). In Ferguson’s
terminology, these
two varieties are called ‘high variety’ (H) and ‘low variety’ (L).
The terms ‘high’ and ‘low’ reflect the standing of the two varieties in the
linguistic community. The low variety is held in very low esteem, and the name
by which speakers refer to it normally implies a humble position:
ʿāmmiyya
liter
-
ally means ‘common’ or ‘vulgar’, while other names are
sūqiyya
‘language of the
market’,
munḥarifa
‘deviant’, and so on. The high variety, on the other hand, is
prestigious: it is the language of a cultural,
and often religious, heritage. Speakers
may even deny the existence of the low variety and claim that they only speak
the high variety. In reality, the low variety is the mother tongue of all speakers,
whereas the high variety is a second language that is almost never used in impro
-
vised speech.
The theoretical framework of Ferguson’s model for the linguistic situation in
the Arabic-speaking countries has been refined by subsequent studies in three
important respects. In the first place, Ferguson’s model restricted the notion of
‘diglossia’ to situations where the low variety was genetically related to the high
variety, of which it was a reduced version. In later publications this restriction
was lifted, and the notion of ‘diglossia’ was expanded to include any functional
distribution of linguistic varieties, whether these were languages or dialects or
registers. The functional distribution in the Arabic-speaking countries is merely
a special case of a general phenomenon of sociolinguistic variation in all speech
communities.
In
the second place, the existence of a functional distribution between varieties
does not imply that all speakers have an equal command of these varieties. In
extreme cases, most speakers know only one variety, a non-prestigious colloquial
kind of language, whereas a small elite uses a stilted variety of a cultural language,
mostly an imported one. In the Arab world, an example of such a situation is
Algeria just before independence: the majority of people in the speech commu
-
nity knew only Arabic and at the most a smattering of French,
but a small group
of intellectuals had been raised and educated in French, and had lost the ability
to speak Arabic (see Chapter 14, p. 263). Several linguists, among them Fishman
(1967, 1972) and Gumperz (1962), therefore proposed to distinguish between a
sociolinguistic and a psycholinguistic approach. In their terminology ‘diglossia’
is reserved for the sociolinguistic notion of a functional distribution of linguistic
Diglossia
243
varieties. For the psycholinguistic notion of the speakers’ command of these
varieties, they adopted the term ‘bilingualism’. In the literature, the specification
‘societal bilingualism’ is sometimes used to refer to Ferguson’s use of the term.
A third modification of Ferguson’s model concerns the distinction of two
discrete varieties. In his framework, the two varieties
are mutually exclusive,
and the speaker has to choose one or the other by a process of code-switching.
In reality, the speaker never opts for one variety or the other, but moves along
a continuum of speech, of which the two varieties are only the extremes. In
such a situation, code-switching does not imply selecting a discrete variety, but
positioning one’s utterance along a scale of linguistic variation. A better term
to describe this kind of speech behaviour would perhaps be ‘code-mixing’, since
there is no actual switch from one variety to another. Extralinguistic factors
determine the position on this scale. Obviously, the span of the continuum that
individuals control depends on their linguistic proficiency, which in its turn is
determined to a large degree by their education and upbringing.
The use of the term ‘diglossia’ (or its Arabic synonym
izdiwājiyyat al-luġa
) in
the literature on the linguistic situation in the Arabic-speaking world has created
some confusion. In Ferguson’s model, ‘diglossia’ is used only for the relationship
between
fuṣḥā
and
ʿāmmiyya
, whereas the functional
division between French
and Arabic in North Africa was termed by him ‘bilingualism’. In this chapter, the
term ‘diglossia’ will be used in the sense of a linguistic situation in which several
speech varieties divide among themselves the domains of verbal communication.
The term ‘bilingualism’ will refer to the individual’s proficiency in more than
one speech variety (note that in Chapter 14, on the linguistic situation in the
Maghreb, the term ‘bilingualism’ will be used in a slightly different way). In a
speech community that is both diglossic and bilingual, there is a well-defined
distribution of domains between more than one variety and all speakers are able
to vary their linguistic behaviour between these varieties. We shall first look at
code-mixing and the factors determining language choice in discourse, then at
language attitudes and associations in the speech community, and finally at the
correlation with intrapersonal variables.
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