Regional political parties in india s. Bhatnagar pradeep kumar

4. Boris I Kluyev, India : National and Language Problems, New Delhi, 1981, p. 124.

5. Op. cit., n. 3, Amury de Reincourt The Soul of India, 1961 also projects the possibility of regionalism contributing to the 'Balkanisation' of India.

6. R. N. Mishra, Regionalism and State Politics in India, New Delhi, 1986, p. 16 Mishra finds support in F.G. Bailey (Whom he quotes on p. 89) who feels on the basis of interviews with political leaders of Orissa that given time, "these undersirable features" castes, communalism and regionalism - will give way to a developing sense of provincial and national unity." Emphasis added.

7. G. Ram Reddy and B.A.V. Sharma, Regionalism : A Study of Telengana, New Delhi, 1984, p. 4.

8. Iqbal Narain, "Cultural Pluralism National Integration and Democracy in India" in K.R. BombwalL op. cit., n.l, p. 188.

9. Report of the States Reorganisation Commission, Manager of Publications, Delhi, 1955, p. 5

10. Yogesh Atal, Building a Nation: Essays on India, New Delhi 1981, p. 19

11. M. Shatrugna; "Emergence of Regional Parties in India: Case of Telugu Desam" in George Mathew, Shifts in Indian Politics, New Delhi, 1984 p. 98

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12. Rajni Kothari expressed this view in "The Congress System", Asian Survey, VI, 12, December 1964, pp. 1161-73.

13. The term is used by Marguerite R. Barnett in her The Politics of Cultural Nationalism in South India, Princeton, N.J. 1976

14. Stanley A. Kochaneck, "India" in Robert R. Kearney (Ed.) Politics and Modernisation in Southeast Asia, New York, 1975, p. 39

15. Marguerite R. Barnett, op. cit. n.13, p. 213.

16. A recent decision of Jharkhad coordination committee (of which JMM is a constituent) to set up a parallel government in the Jharkhand area if the demand for a separate state is not conceded by January 1988 is a straw in the wind. As a newspaper editorial points out, the implementation of this decision "will mean serious unrest and violence in the 21 districts . .. which the proposed parallel government will cover and which are intended to constitute the Jharkhand state". The Indian Express, (Chandigarh), 18 September 1987, p.6

17. M. Shatrugna, op. cit., n. 11 Referring to the 1983 assembly poll, he shows that of the 288 candidates fielded by Telugu Desam 152 were from higher castes whereas 128 belonged to backward castes and weaker sections (including 40 from scheduled castes and 15 from scheduled tribes). As against this, of the 293 Congress candidates only 81 were drawn from backward (middle) castes and weaker sections (including 22 from scheduled castes and 6 from scheduled tribes), p. 100

18. Such rethinking if it has, in fact, occured has not been reflected in any of the party's official pronouncements.

19. Harish K. Puri, "State autonomy and the National Question: Punjab Memorandum to the Sarkaria Commission", a paper presented at the 12th All-India Social Science Congress held at Mysore, 13-17 July 1987.

20. Op. cit. n. 3. p. 3

21. The party was formed by the merger of two major regional groups, Purbanchaliya Parisad and Assam Jatiya Dal and several smaller formations which had earlier conducted a prolonged and bitter mass struggle under the banner of All Assam Gana Sangram Parishad. The AASU (All Assam Students Union), which had provided "youth power" to the agitation, retained its separate identity.

22. As a meeting of the forum of regional parties in the north-eastern states, held at Guwahati in February 1987, raised these two issues. Inner line regulations are, at present applicable to Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram while the provisions of article 371 (A) of the constitution are applicable to Nagaland and Mizoram. At a subsequent meeting, in April 1987, the forum claimed that regional parties alone could "safeguard the distinct identity and personality of the North East" and raised a number of additional demands such as the transfer of such subjects as oil, tea and coal from the Union list to the State list of the Seventh Schedule to the Constitution. Udayon Misra, "North-East Regional Parties : High Hopes and Hard Realities,

16

" Economic and Political Weekly, XXII, 24, 13 June 1987, p. 923.

23. Sanjoy Hazarika, "Assam Full Circle". The Indian Express, 19 January 1986, p. 2

24. K.R. Bombwall, op. cit., n. 8, p. 213

25. The Times of India, 24 September, 1987, p. 4

26. Ivo d. Duchacek makes use of the term in his Comparative Federalism: the Territorial Dimension, New York, 1970, chap.l

17

OBSOLESCENCE OF NATIONALISM : AN APPRAISAL OF AUTONOMY FORCES IN NORTH-EASTERN INDIA

B. Rahamathulla

The entire tribal region of North-East India, which comprises 174,505 sq.km., has the most picturesque beauty and peculiar geographical features. It is predominantly a tribal area inhabited by more than 150 odd tribes with numerous clans and subclans of immense diversity. Cultural heterogeneity is quite conspicous in a conglomeration of myriad ethnic groups and it is a preservation of tribal heritage rather than manifestation of chauvinistic patriotism that often matters to the most of tribes in the region2. The Centre's efforts to infuse a sense of Indianness among the tribes are not fully met with a success, notwithstanding its generousity to allocate funds to accelerate a tempo of economic development. The various measures such as creation of statehood, North-eastern Economic Council, establishment of new educational institutions, reservation in employment, incorporation of provisions, both in the Fundamental Rights and Directive Principles of State policy to preserve and protect and to safeguard the tribal traditions, however, have not attracted the attention of tribal people. Their growing desperation and self-imposed ostracism has been further encouraged by the regional insurgents whose demand for autonomy is gathering momentum despite their failure to cope with the Indian Security Forces. An attempt is made in this paper to trace out the role being played by the major autonomy forces in the tribal region and to find out reasons for their obsolescence of nationalism.

Inauguration of Nagaland as the sixteenth state of the Indian Union on December 1, 1963, has certainly brought over-all changes in Naga lives and ensured every Naga citizen a political right based on democratic norms to participate whether in the State Legislature election or in general election like the other citizens in the country. Since the inception

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of the State Legislature in 1964, six Chief Ministers excluding the present one, have ruled the State and witnessed political faction of dissension and division among the Naga leaders. On the economic front, the per capita income has gone up to Rs. 900/-. Culturally, there is a drastic change in the Naga traditions and customs within a short span of twenty-four years. In spite of all, the autonomy movement launched by Zaphu Angami Phizo, President of the Naga National Council in 1956 has not ceased rather it took a new dimension because of T.H. Muivah and Isac Swu, who are now no longer interested to continue as General Secretary of the Naga National Council and foreign Minister of the so-called Naga Federal Government because of their leader who exiled to England thirty-one years ago.

The pro-Phizo hostiles are still active despite factionalism in their rank and file and they are constantly inspired and encouraged from England by their masters. During the Janata regime, the meeting between the Prime Minister, Morarji Desai, and Z.A. Phizo did take place in London. The meeting, however, failed to produce any tangible results and, at the same time, promoted misunderstanding between the two leaders. Phizo argued that the Nagas not being ethnically Indian in origin, the British withdrawal placed them in the same status and position as the former Nawabs and Princes of India. He further claimed "I have the mandate of Naga people to represent them and whether it is twenty years or forty years, as long as I have their mandate, I must carry out their responsibility entrusted to me. The reason why I came abroad was to tell the outside world that India was committing genocide on the Nagas3."

The formation of National Socialist Council of Nagaland (NSCN) on January 31,1971, by T.H. Muivah and Isac Swu on the Chinese model led to their explusion from the Naga National Council and even Phizo ordered his men to deal with these traitors stringently. The main objectives and principles of NSCN are to liberate Nagaland from the Indian yoke, to establish a socialist state based on the Beijing ideology and to incorporate all contiguous areas of the Nagas into one 'Socialist Union of Nagaland'. The means of production, distribution and exchange would entirely be in the hands of an envisioned state and thereby ensure equal rights to all Nagas irrespective of their diversity of culture4. The NSCN in its recent Manifesto has called upon the Naga people to unite on the basis of sound socio-political orientation, which would, however, be the only precondition for a solution of Naga problem. This unity call has produced substantial results in strengthening the hands of NSCN rebels5. S.S. Kaplang, a Hemi Naga of Burmese origin and Commander of the

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combined Naga forces in Northern Burma also reiterated his support to Muivah and Swu organization and asserted that as long as India and Burma continue their occupation of his motherland, the Burmese Nagas would spare no efforts to fight with the Indian Security Forces. On the contrary, the former President of the underground Federal Government of Nagas Zashie Huire favoured Shillong Accord for a solution of Naga problem.

Unspeakable atrocities are being perpetrated by the NSCN insurgents in Nagaland. Seventeen NNC (Naga National Council) top leaders, who were loyal to Z.A. Phizo brutally murdered, launched a campaign for recruitment of Naga youths for training in guerilla warfare and compelling the villagers to pay taxes to their organization. The NSCN rebels have already established links with PLA (Peoples' Liberation Army) and People's Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak known as PREPAK of Man-ipur. In a renewed armed struggle in 1982, twenty army officers were killed in an ambush at Namthirok in Manipur. It was believed that the ambush had been well-planned and faultlessly executed by the underground National Socialist Council of Nagaland, which has its headquarters across the border in Burma Laik Khemungan, President of the civilian setup of the pro-Phizo group who defected recently, was killed by the pro-Phizo group in northern Burma, his three bodyguards were also killed in the ambush. The incident took place when Laik Khemungan along with his followers was on his way to join pro-Chinese Muivah-Isac group after withdrawing obedience for the pro-Phizo factions. The NSCN is receiving perpetual armed supply from China and the other hostile organizations in the region are also equally extending their cooperation with the National Socialist Council of Nagaland.

The Government of India has banned the Manipur Meitel Extremist organizations like the Peoples' Liberations Army (PLA), the Peoples' Revolutionary party of Kangleipak known as PREPAK and its off shoots like the armed wing of PREPAK called the Red Army, the Kangleipak Communist Party (KCP) and the KCP's Red Army for having involved in guerilla warfare and for openly advocating an independent Manipur. Despite the arrest of PLA's leader Bisheswar Singh on July 6,1981, the rebels of the PLA elected Tkoudam Kung Bihari, 35 year old Chairman of PLA, was shot dead in an encounter with the Indian army on April 15,1982, at Kadampokpi near Imphal. Twelve other associates of Kunj Bihari were also killed in that operation. This, however, did not deter the other sympathisers of PLA to extend their cooperation and help. On the subsequent day when Kunj Bihari's dead body was handed over to

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his carpenter father at Sinjamei, the youths of the locality spontaneously took out a mourning procession with the dead body and in a secretly arranged conclave at Thoubal, a village on the south of Imphal, Khai-dem Manikanta, a 25 year old college drop-out, who had studied up to B.A. in Manipur College at Sinjamei, elected as a successor to Kunj Bihari to lead PLA organization7.

It is presumed that there are many local people who still express the lurking sympathy with PLA rebels and clandestinely supply money, men and materials. The PLA's attempt on May 25,1982, to dynamite the Palika Bazar in the heart of the capital should not be dismissed as an act of 'desperate bidding"8. The other two Meitei hostile groups, Peoples' Revolutionary Party of Kangleipak (PREPAK). Kangleipak Community Party (KCP), though suffered a setback in their recent past, their leadership is still in tact. Maoist ideology and revolution are the guiding principles to these insurgents. Cooperation extended by National Socialist Council of Nagaland from time to time during the hostile operations all the more made these Manipur autonomy forces adamant.

Ukhrul, one of the mountainous districts of Manipur, is being threatened by the NSCN rebels to intensify insurgency as Rishang Keisheing - the then Chief Minister of Manipur had stepped up the security arrangements to encounter the rebels' activities in the district Incidentally, both Isac Swu and Rishang Keisheing are Tangkhula Nagas and belong to Ukhrul district Notwithstanding the security measures to protect the Chief Minister and other public officials, the NSCN rebels are perpetrating a series of crimes in the region. For instance, the Chief Minister's convoy was ambushed on December 8, 1984, and several of his security personnel were killed. On January 26,1986, the Chief Minister's very close friend, N.S. Shamithar was brought out of the public meeting in Phun-gar sub-division in Ukhrul district and shot dead and two days after this incident the NSCN rebels struck again and snatched some weapons from a patrol party of Assam Rifles at Chamu of Ukhrul district.9

Intelligence sources have confirmed that the statements often issued by the Chief Ministers to the Press about the 360 rebels, who have received training in China, now have returned to their headquarters at Somara in Burma. This area is even inaccessible to the Burmese army and it is a tough task to face the Hemi Burmese Naga tribes who control and command the entire region. The Hemi Burmese Nagas have ethnic and racial links with Nagas of Nagaland and are formulating an operational strategy in collaboration with the NSCN rebels to face any eventualities from the Indian Security Forces. The NSCN rebels are raising

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a massive fund from the villagers and the authorities are unable to stop this practice as the local people are not adequately informing for fear of reprisal from the rebels.10 Even the Imphal Valley is not free from the insurgency. The majority of the security forces are stationed in the valley, yet sometimes these forces prove inadequate and ineffective to encounter the rebels. Chief Minister Rishang Keisheing deplored the atrocities committed by the rebels and pointed out. "there were bombs, explosions, hijacking of vehicles, killing of innocent citizens, attacks on officers, raids in hospitals where patients were being treated. The government was compelled to requisition the aid of the army in 198011".

The communal carnage which occurred in Tripura between the native tribes and the Bengali settlers in 1980 on the ground of cultural and economic deprivation to the former by the latter divided the two communities to a never returning-point, and promoted hatred, suspicions and jealousy. In the recent statement, the Army of Tripura Peoples Liberation Organization (ATPLO), the militant and clandestine unit of Tripura tribal extremists has expressed its firmness to "carry out armed struggle" with a view to form a "sovereign Tripura State". The statement further asserted. "It is simply due to the misrule of the State Government, and conspiracy by the foreigners that the extremely exploited Mongoloides have taken up arms in their hands to protect themselves from being completely liquidated throughout the North-Eastern region, as was the case with the freedom fighters of Vietnam". A Nine-Point Charter of Demands had been placed before the Tripura Chief Minister Nripen Chakravorty and its copies had also been despatched to the former Prime Minister Mrs Indira Gandhi then Union Home Minister Zail Singh and the State's former Governor S.M.H. Burney12.

The story goes back to the late forties when Dasarath Deb Barman the native tribal and the present Deputy Chief Minister fought the armed struggle against the then King under the banner of Upajati Gana Mukti Parishad (UGMP) for the right of self-determination of the tribals and to free from the oppressive regime of the King. The former Chief Minister Nripen Chakraborty arrived on the political scene in 1950 to organise the CPI party in Tripura. Barman joined the party but kept his UGMP alive from the beginning. There has been, however, a divergence of approach between the two in regard to the management of state affairs. Being a native Dasarath Deb Barman opposed the growing Bengali settlements in Tripura in the wake of the partition of the country. Before 1947, the tribals - Tripuris, Chakmas, Riangs, Halmas, Jamatias and other thirteen groups constituted nearly 78 per cent of Tripura's population.

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But huge influx of Hindu refugees from across the border changed the demographic structure of the state and turned the native tribes into a minority group.13

The differences between Chakraborty and Barman further intensified when both of them lost the Assembly elections in 1967. Chakraborty, however, launched a new strategy in order to strengthen the position of CPM in the state and favoured the development of Pan-tribalism in the entire north-eastern region. Barman, on the other hand, had emphasised that the tribals of Tripura would not be able to protect themselves unless they consolidated their own position and strength in the state's affairs and eventually Deb Barman inspired the formation of Tripura Upajati Juba Samiti (TUJS) to agitate for their language, restoration of lands transferred to non-tribals and the formation of autonomous district councils for administering the tribal areas. In 1977 elections, for the first time, CPM won a landslide victory by securing 54 of the 60 Assembly seats. Deb Barman was a contender for the Chief Ministership. But Charkraborty was made the Chief Minister of Tripura on the plea that the Bengalis were in a majority in the state. The native tribals expressed their resentment and launched a militant demonstration in mid-78. The renewed agitation resulted in acceptance of the autonomous district councils under the Seventh Schedule and not under the Sixth as demanded by the tribals. This again intensified the agitation and ultimately resulted in formation of Tripura National Volunteer Force (TNVF) by the educated Christian tribal Vijay Hrangkhowal and he vowed to fight for an "independent Tripura" and to drive "foreigners" from his native land. He forged links with Mizo National Front (MNF) and sent his men for armed training to the Chittagong Hills. By June, 1979, Tripura witnessed an unprecedented violence as the schools, markets, offices, medical centres etc. were set on fire and the demand for "liberation of Tripura" gathered momentum. The TUJS leader, Shyama Charan Tripuri, opposed the TNV on the direction of Deb Barman and Hrangkhowal, thus, found himself isolated. The meeting between Chief Minister Chakraborty and Hrangkhowal did take place in order to sort out the differences and to ensure peace and stability in the state. But no tangible result could be achieved from the meeting and Hrangkhowal emerged more aggressive than ever before. On the contrary, the origins of the chauvinistic Amara Bengali to protect and safeguard the interest of the Bengalis aggravated the crisis and animosity between the tribals and the Bengalis further intensified. It was Chief Minister Chakraborty who first disclosed about the formation of Amara Bengali in Calcutta and named Anil Debnath as its organiser.

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Strangely enough, Amara Bengali never attacked the TNV and the TNV did not attack the Amara Bengali. Both the parties, however, were against TUJS of Deb Barman14.

Since 1982, the armed wing of TNV has carried out a number of raids both on the civilians and armed personnel. Substantial arms and material assistance is being extended to the TNV by the NSCN rebels. The Tripura National Volunteers further frustrated and intensified the extremist activities, particularly after Mizo National Front leader, Laldenga, accepted to solve all the outstanding problems within the framework of the Indian constitution. Formation of a United Front - the Manipur, Tripura, Nagaland and Assam Consolidations (MTNAC) - a conglomeration of guerilla warfare unit in 1982, has strengthened the hands of the hostiles and the demand for an "Independent Tripura" among the tribals has not ceased.

In order to fight the TNV insurgents, the Central Government declared on February 4,1987, the Tripura National Volunteers, an unlawful organisation under the Lawful Activities (Prevention) Act in order to arm the State Government with Powers to effectively fight insurgency that has taken a heavy toll of life. "The declaration charged the TNV with resorting to violent activities in frutherance of its objective of gaining Independence of Tripura. This was considered secessionist. In providing justification for barring the TNV, the notification pointed out that the volunteers of the organization were involved in 42 violent incidents in 1986 in which 114 persons were killed. In the last one month of the current year four incidents took place in which 13 persons lost their lives. In order to make the anti-insurgency operations effective, the State Government will declare some areas in the State as "disturbed" under the Armed Forces (Special Power) Act16."

Immediately on February 6,1987, the outlawed Tripura National volunteers issued a "quit Tripura order" to all indian citizens living illegally in Tripura after October 5,1949 - the day princely Tripura merged with the Indian Union. In an "order" to all Indian citizens living in Tripura dated January 20, this year, the self-styled TNV President Bijoy Kumar said: "When war is at your door, neither your government (India) nor the Tripura National Volunteers could provide guarantee to your lives and hence it would be adivsable that you innocent people should seek your right to homeland from the Indian government instead of hanging on to Tripura precariously". The "order" threatened Indian citizens that the TNV would "not be responsible for any unfortunate circumstances that may befall Indian citizens if they did not leave Tripure after the issuance

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of this dictum". The "order" assured "all security to those Indians ready to comply with this order whereas it also recognises the people, who were in Tripura on or before October 15, 1949". Copies of the "order" were issued to the Secretary General of the United Nations for "keeping close watch on Tripura situation" and to the Prime Minister Rajiv Gandhi urging him to withdraw all Indian citizen and armies to prevent unnecessary loss of lives17." The TNV has intensified its operational strategy and in an ambush on May 14,1987, killed five Border Security Force personnel at Ultacherra near the Ambassa Gandacherra road, south of Tripura.18

Mizoram, which was formerly known as Mizo Hills district of Assam was inaugurated by Prime Minister, Mrs. Indira Gandhi, on January 1, 1972, as the Union Territory with an area of 21,090 sq.km. and of 332,390 population. This Union Territory has had a series of political turmoil since our Independence. It was Mizo National Front (MNF) under the leadership of Laldenga who had given a call for a sovereign Mizoram in 1965. Since then the underground hosules of MNF had stepped up its military operation in Mizoram. But the signing of Mizoram accord by Laldenga with the Government of India on June 30, 1986 brought peace to the region and the subsequent inauguration of statehood ensured stability and cessation of hostilities as the Preamble of Accord emphasises: "The Government of India have all along been making earnest efforts to bring about an end to the disturbed conditions in Mizoram and to restore peace and harmony19". The Accord further reiterated that: "With a view to restoring peace and normalcy in Mizoram the MNF party, on their part, undertakes within the agreed time-frames to take all necessary steps to end all underground activities, to bring out all underground personnel of the MNF with their arms, ammunitions and equipments to ensure their return to civil life, to abjure violence and generally to help in the process of restoration of normalcy20." Thus, the secessionist movement launched by the MNF came to an end and a new era of peace began in Mizoram.,