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invaded France, and compelled the French King to condi-

tions of advantage.

For antient or long continuance of amity : what prince

soever abandoneth the antient amity between him and an-

other, or between his family and another, putteth himself to

great adventure, and may be after a maner resembled to

Esops water dog, that coveting the shadow lost the flesh.

Because that unto amity there is none so great a minister as

tyme : which being once violated, without time again cannot

be recovered. And seeing that in princes affairs, many times

a new friendship one way engendreth breach in old amity

another way, it cannot be chosen but the defiling of that

amity must breed extreme displesure in the prince that re-

ceiveth the injury : whereof foUowcth the mortal hatred of

an antient assured friend, for the luicertain amity of a new

reconciled foe.

The exam])le wherof hath been wel seen in Louis Sforza,

late Duke of INIilain : who, through his unkind dealing with

OF ORIGINALS. 381

the Venetians, antient approved friends vuito his family, fel

into the hands of the last Louis French King : in whose

prison he finished his miserable days.
For religion, it is necessary the princes that will observe

amity be of one opinion : otherwise it is impossible the

amity should longer continue than necessity compelletli

th'one or th'other to maintain it. For where are contrary

opinions of religion, there can be no long agreement. And

there is no prince nor private man so simple, as, if it lay

in his power, would not compel the whole world to believe

as he doth.

Indeed the Turk within his dominions compelleth no

man to alter his religion : by reason wherof he is the more

able peaceably to enjoy so large an empire. But if he

thought he might bring al men to Mahomets law, (as he

seeth the contrary,) he would use that rigor in religion that

he doth in other things. And there was never greater folly

imagined, than the French Kings device of amity with the

Tui'k. For if the Turk observe not faith to the princes of his ^O

own religion, but destroyeth as many as come once under

his power, what faith or amity can he bear to a Christian

prince ? So that if by the Turks means the French King

might have extirpated the Emperor, (which was the end of

this desired amity,) his own destruction must have fol-

lowed. For with the Turk, nulla sancta societas, necjides

regmi est.
Finally, for the princes nature ; if he be a good prince,

his amity must needs be preferred before the amity of a ty-

rant. Because th''one doth that willingly, that the other never

doth but of necessity.

Wherfore I conclude th'' amity of that prince to be best,

who is neerest neighbour, most antient friend, aggreable of

religion, and good of nature.
At the least, if these four cannot be found in one prince,

then I think his amity best who is endued with most of

them.

382 A REPOSITORY

V.
Mr. Thomas' s fourth discourse to the King; touching his

Majesty's outward affairs.

WHAT case your Majesties estate is in, I doubt not but

your self doth understand. And tho I know there be a

number about your Highness hable botli to care for the re-

medy of that that is amiss, and also to prevent the immi-

nent perills necessary to be foreseen : yet because, mee-

seemeth, some dul effects prove in things that ought to have

greater life ; therfore, having discoursed somewhat on tyme,

my bounden conscience provoketh me to utter mine opinion

in present things: which I most humbly beseech your Ma-

jesty to accept, as offered, not of any purpose, either to pre-

fer mine inventions before the doings of wiser men, or to

accuse any for neglecting their duties in these cases ; but

only of the earnest affection I have both unto our common-

wealth, and also unto your Highnes, on whom our wealth

dependeth.
Time was, in the days of your father of famous memory,

that this estate, being dread of al our neighbours, needed

not to esteem any of them more than itself was esteemed.

But now the case is so altered, that because we are both

hated and contemned of them al, we, for lack of our own

estimation, must either esteem them or redeem our estima-

tion, or els perish.
And because there be infinite reasons that threaten us

with war almost on every hand, therefore it is to be foreseen,

(as I have written in the discourse of princes amity,) that

we fal not into such a war, as either we must be a prey to

th'enemy, or els throw our selves into the lap of a dear pur-

71 chased friend: th'one or other being equally prejudicial

unto us. For the remedy wherof, one of two things must be

won ; either friendship to help us, or time to make our selves

strong.
As for friendship, I se not which way any is to be gotten,

without either our extreme disadvantage, or the denying of

our faith : neither of which is tolerable. And as I believe it

OF ORIGINALS. 383

is impossible we should have any perfect amity with any

foreign prince tliat dissenteth from us in religion ; so be-

cause we have no neighbour of uniform religion, I deter-

mine we can find no friend whose amity is to be trusted.

Wherfore we must of force turn us unto tyme, to se how

much we may win therof, and what we may win withal.

And because neither is our force so ordered, that we may

trust therby to win our tyme, nor our treasure such as may

purchase it ; therfore our extremest shift is to work by

policy.
We have two puissant princes to deal withal ; the French

King, a doubtful friend, and the Emperor, a dissembling

foe. The one hath don us already displesure; and the

other we are sure wil do it, if he can. For what quarrel hath

he to the Germans, but religion ? Wherin he hath sworn

rather to spend his life, than not to reduce it to his own

maner. And when he shal have overcomen those few that

rest, (which are of smal accovmt in respect of his power,)

where shal he end his fury, but against us ?

I Avot wel some are of opinion that Maydelburgh, with the

confederate cities, shal keep him occupied a while. Some

other add, that the Germans are not yet won to the papisti-

cal sect. And some other reckon upon the Turks comming

into Hungary. Al which (say they) are impediments suffi-

cient to occupy the Emperors mind from meddling with

us. I like those reasons wel ; beseeching God they may

prove as true as they be spoken. But I am persuaded, by

arguments of greater efficacy, that the Emperor esteemeth

this matter of Maydelbiu-gh very little, and much les the

Germain Protestants, and least of al the Turk. The reasons

wherof are too long now to discourse. So that I fear me,

he shal have sooner brought his purposes those ways to

pass, than we shal be wel advertised of it. Wherfore, think

I, we have great cause to mistrust both his practices and

himself.

On the other side, the French King is already in the pos-

session of Scotland, and practiseth in Ireland amongst a

people that loveth liberty ; and that for every smal hope of

384 A REPOSITORY

gain wil be ready to revolt. Wherin if he should prevail, we

might reckon our selves besieged. So that, the one and other

reckoned, we are not only abandoned of al friends that may

stand us instead, but in maner invironned of enemies.

Thus I have cast the peril of the worst, to the intent the

worst might be provided for : for the best will help it self.

And because the time doth yet serve us to practise, hav-

ing no enemy that hitherto hath taken his sword in hand ;

therfore, as we may now common to put them in hope of

things that we mean not ; and therby win time both to pro-

vide us of mony, and to order our men : so Avhen time shal

72 draw either of their swords, and we unprovided, (as pre-

sently we are,) then must we either perish, or be a prey to

th''one of them, or at the best receive intolerable conditions.

For say what men wil, our power without some friendship

is of smal substance; yea, tho we were al as good subjects

as Edward III. had ; wheras now I fear me, there be as

wel hollow as whole hearts to be found.

And albeit that our quarrel is in God, and God our

quarrel, who never faileth them that trust in him ; yet for-

asmuch as wickednes reigneth in the midst of vis, like as we

should not mistrust the goodnes of God, so ovight we nei-

ther to neglect that policy that may help us to advoid the

like captivity that for wickednes happened to the elect

people of Israel.
And this is my device.
Your Majesty shal either write or send some trusty

man with credit to the Emperor, declaring unto him (as he

knoweth already) in what sort the French King hath ob-

tained Scotland, and how he practiseth in Ireland ; purpos-

ing in your tender years to oppress the realm and subjects.

And albeit ye mistrust not the Emperors perfect and sincere

amity, &c. yet to the end ye would join in a streit maner,

ye would gladly know wliat his Majesty would require of

you ; or covenant, that if the French King should now

break with your Highnes, ye might be sure lie would also

break with France on his part, and generally be friends to

friends, and enemies to enemies.

OF ORIGINALS. 385

No doubt he would harken to such a message, and with

the first would demaund alteration of religion : which I

think should be the principal point in the treaty on his

part. Wherfore, as the time served, I would wish the com-

munication therof not to be refused, and the matter to be

dissembled, with such practises of delays as may best serve

to the winning of time : wherof your Majesty shal gather

two commodities.

One, that by keeping the Emperor in hope of alteration,

he may cease from working of that mischief towards you

and your realm, that the mean time he would surely go

about.
And the other, the French King may have cause so to

doubt this league, that I believe he shal not offer to disturb

you ; which indeed were a great matter. By means wherof

your Majesty should not only get time more and more to

establish religion within your realm, but also to put your

subjects in a readines, and to provide you of mony against

the time of hostility. And if the time may so long be won,

that the Emperor dy, whose life cannot long endure, your

Majesty shall not only be free of this practise, but also free

of France, who surely shal have enough to do that way.
As for the French King, we have peace with him, and no

cause of breach : but if he pick a quarrel to break, his hope

of gain shal be so great, that I se no reasonable overture

of our part sufficient to appease him. And then it is neces-

sary to threaten, that ye would rather yield in conditions to

the Emperor, than endure so unjust a war as he for gree-

dines shal begin. And if you doubt of that agreement stop 73

him not, I cannot devise what should stay him but our own

weapons.
For Scotland, I have no hope of good but one, that the

governor by our comforts may be inticed to take the crown

upon him. If be, as he may be thereunto persuaded, we

shal not only establish a puissant friend to our selves, but

also a perpetual enemy to France. The compassing wherof

had need to be handled both very secretly and prudently.

For Ireland ; if there be just cause of suspicion that any
VOL. II. PART II. C C

386 A REPOSITORY

of those lords should revolt, let some means be devised to

cal them, or the chief of them, hither, as shortly as may be.

And here let them be wel entreated, til the next summer

be spent ; in which time their troth shal be tryed : and

beside that, their entertainment may alter their malice, if

there be any ; or at the least establish their allegiance.

For Denmark ; albeit the King is of our religion, and

the covmtry both, yet they were never our friends. And un-

les we were more liable with money to hire them, than the

Emperor or French King are, let us never hope good of

them. For naturally they are given to the gain; and of al

spoils, they desire the spoil of our nation. So that with

little mony they may be hired against us, where a great

deal of our mony shal scarcely cause them to sit stil. Never-

theles I think it were not amiss to practice with them, as

long as it turn not to our disadvantage.

Objections that may be argued to the contrary.
To my device of practice wath the Emperor, I may be

answered, that it is dangerous for three causes.

One, that the knowledge of this practice shal encourage

the Papists of this realm to be the more obstinate.

Another, if it be known to Maydelburgh, and the other

powers that presently defend our religion, it shal be both a

discourage to them, and a slander to us.
And third, that when the Emperor shal perceive our dal-

liance with him, it shal set him al on fire, where now he is

but warm.
To the first, I reply, that if we quailed in our proced-

ings at home, the Papists might take courage ; but follow-

ing earnestly as we have begun, let them hope what they

wil, the end slial change their minds. And the mean while,

they shal neither do nor talk.
And to the second, tho'' we would, we arc not able to aid

Maydelburgh, and their fellows, as well for the distance as

for our own necessity ; having enough to do to save our

selves. So that thtv can take no disicoiiragc, where they

can hope no succour. And ior shnidir, it c;n) be none, un-

OF ORIGINALS. 387

]es the slanderous effect follow ; which shal be no part of

our meaning. And if we esteem the worldly fame, at the

worst the greater number (I mean the Papists) shal praise

us for the time.

To the third point, the Emperor is already so warm, that

if his fire might kindle us, we should al burn, and look for

none other, but whensoever his time seemeth, he will make

us smoak indeed. Wherfore, if any thing be to be won of 74

him, it is only time; which shal be evil handled if it be

not drawn one twelve or fifteen months long. And if we

begin not this practice, or Maydelburgh be won, the Em-

peror wil afterward precede with us by a maner of com-

mandment, rather than by treaty. For when the sword is

shaken over our heads, then shal it be too late for us to

talk : at the worst, what hurt can we take by this practice ?

Common as much as they list, as long as they be not able to

compel us, so long we need not to yield in any thing unto

them. And if they may compel, then there is no boot. So

that wheras good may come to us of our practice divers

ways, I cannot se which way any hurt may grow of it

at all.
For Scotland, it may be said, what peril were it, if the

French King should know our practice, and take displesure

against us ? I answer, the same peril that he is in with us,

for practising in Ireland, being such as ye may be sure shal

be no cause of war. Yea, it may happen to set such a broyle

between the governor and him, as may bring them by the

ears indeed. And as for the conquest of Scotland, let vis

never look for it. For if we were not able to conquer it,

when we had to do with it alone, much les able are we

now, when we must either conquer France or forbear Scot-

land.
Mary, for the Irish lords there is peril, unles the mat-

ter be so handled, that they may come by way of treaty,

devised upon persuasion of amity. Which, if it may be

l)rought to pas, shal serve much to the purpose. Otherwise

it may be the cause to make them revolt, if they perceive

themselves once to be suspected.

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388 A REPOSITORY

For the realm withinwards.
Two things are principally to be applyed ; the readines

of men, and a mas of mony.

Preparation doth not only discourage the enemy, but also

encourage the subject : who sustaining a suddain war un-

looked for, waxeth immediately timorous ; where being

warned, he waxeth hardy.

A people in Illyria, called Acarnani, were threatned to be

destroyed by their neighbours the ^toli; insomuch, that

desperately they armed from the age of fifteen to sixty, as

many as could bear armour, swearing never to return van-

quisht: and did not only covenant, that if any fled from

the battail, they should neither have lodging nor victual

with any of the nation at home ; but also prayed their

neighbours, the Epiroti, that if they were slain in the bat-

tail, they would bury them al in one place with this epi-

taph, H'lc siti sunt Acarnani, qui adversus vim atqiie inju-

riam j^tolorum jyro patria pugiiantes, mortem occuhuerunt.

By reason of which determination, the iEtoli, for al their

puissance, gave them over, and suffered them to live in

quiet. And so it fareth by them that in like extremities do

valiantly provide for the worst.
Wherfore mine opinion is, that your Majesty should im-

mediately cause muster to be taken throughout the realm,

to se first what every man can make. And let nothing be

undon that may serve to have men ready in al events, tho"*

75 ye should never need man. At the worst this one profit

shal grow of it, those subjects that have their heads occu-

pied with civil commotions, mistrusting some outward war,

shal the les think on their mischief at home. And the out-

ward enemy shal have les mind to offend, Avhere he seeth

preparation of defence.

On the other side, let no way be omitted that may bring

in mony, to make such a mas as may serve the need. And

when ye have it, spend no peny of that proportion, whatso-

ever shift be made for your ordinary charges. This don, I

think your enemies shal either suffer your Majesty in peace,

or at the worst have smal advantage of you in war.

OF ORIGINALS. 389

I have said my foolish opinion touching your Highnes

exterior affairs ; I shal eftsones humbly beseech your Ma-

jesty, if I have spoken any thing imprudently, lo take my

simple meaning in good part. For as my desire is to ad-

vaunce your Highnes affairs, if it lay in my power, so if on

my advice any contrary succes should happen, my mean-

ing shal deserve no blame.
There be things also in the present civil governance that

in mine opinion might be amended: wherin if your Ma-

jesty command me, I shal gladly utter what I think.

w.
William Thomas, esq. to the King" ; touching the reforma-

tion of the coin.
To the Kings Majesty.
UPON Friday last Mr. Throgmerton declared your

Majesties plesure unto me, and delivered me withal the

notes of certain discourses : which, according to your

Highnes commaundment, I shal most gladly apply to send

you one every week, if it be possible for me in so little

time to compas it. As in very deed it were more than

easy, if the daily service of mine office required not that

great travail and diligence that it doth.

And because he told me your Majesty would first hear

mine opinion touching the reformation of the coin, albeit

that I think my self both unmeet and unliable to give any

judgment in so great and weighty a matter, without the

counsil and advice of others, yet since it is your Highnes

plesure to have it secret, which I do much commend, I am

therfore the bolder to enterprize the declaration of my fan-

tasy ; trusting that upon this ground better devices and bet-

ter effect may ensue, than my head alone can contrive.
And because Mr. Throgmerton is absent, I have deli-

vered it thus sealed to Mr. Fltz -Williams to deliver unto

your Majesty, as it were a thing from the Council ; assuring ^6
cc3

390 A REPOSITORY

your Highnes, that no creature is or shal be privy either to

this, or to any of the rest, througli me. Which I do keep

so secret to this end, that your Majesty may utter these

matters as of your own study ; whcrby it shal have the

greater credit with your Council.
As for the danger to be author of a new thing, (which

when the turn cometh I shal declare at length,) I have a

wonderful confidence of surety in your goodnes. But at

the worst, I esteem my life les than the service of my Prince

and country.
I need not to reherse the private respects that should

move your Majesty to the reformation of your coin : but if

there were no mo reasons, meseemeth the necessary satis-

faction of your people in one kind is a sufficient argument.

Plato, in his dialogue oi Hippaj-clms De Lucri Cupiditate,

affirmeth, that al men natvu-ally desire gain ; and after this

maner he proveth it, Omnes homines bonum appetunt. Et

quia lucrum utile est^ utile vero bonum, omnes natura lucrum

appetunt. Quodque hcec appefitio naturalis laudanda est.
I wil not dispute of the difference, ordinate and disordi-

nate in this desire. But it is manifest, that al men desire

gain ; and when they want the chiefest thing they covet to

gain, then their desire kindleth, and becometh villous ;

which engendreth infinite inconveniences.
Now to prove that your Majesties subjects want their

most desire, I think that no man wil deny that gold and

silver are the sweetest fruit of al gain ; not for its self, but

because the having and use therof bringeth man in maner

to every thing that he desireth. And because there is no

one thing can serve him to so many pui-poses ; therfore of

consequence there is no one thing that he can so much

desire.
If then your subjects want both gold and silver, how can

their desire be quiet? Perhaps it shal be answered, they

want no mony, they have silver in a kind, yea, and gold too,

tho' they show it not.
To that I reply, first for the raony, they esteem it so httle,

that they wil employ it to great disadvantage rather than