The Development of Classical Arabic
83
On literacy in the
Jāhiliyya
see Macdonald (2010) and Stein (2010).
The develop
-
ment of Arabic orthography is dealt with by Abbott (1939, 1972); a study on the
development of the diacritic dots can be found in Revell (1975); a short survey
of the traditional Arabic accounts of the invention of the orthographic system
is in Semaan (1968). The classic handbook for Arabic palaeography is Grohmann
(1967, 1971); the most recent one is Déroche (2005); for a shorter account, see
Sijpesteijn (2008); a glossary of all terms related to manuscripts and script was
compiled by Gacek (2001, 2008), who also produced
an alphabetical vademecum
with a large amount of specimens of writing (2009). The use of Greek and Arabic
in the Nessana archive is studied by Stroumsa (2008); on the transition from Greek
to Arabic in the papyri see Sijpesteijn (2007). A synthetic account of the develop
-
ment of orthography is by Endreß (1982). On the earliest examples of Qurʾānic
writing, see Grohmann (1958); on the earliest manuscripts of the
Qurʾān
,
see Robin
(2006); the development of Ḥijāzī scripts for the
Qurʾān
is dealt with by Déroche
(2010); on the development of chancellery writing, see Abbott (1941). The later
history of the Arabic script
has not been treated here; for further references, see
Schimmel (1982). On the use of Arabic script for other languages see Chapter 17,
pp. 314f.
The history of the development of Arabic orthography is closely related to the
textual history of the
Qurʾān
, for which Nöldeke and Schwally (1961) remains the
standard handbook. On the shift from recitation to book, see Nagel (1983) and
Schoeler (1992); on the reception of the Qurʾānic codex by the grammarians, see
Beck (1946); on the variant readings see Nasser (2012).
Both grammar writing and lexicography played a crucial role in the standardi
-
sation of the Arabic language; for further literature about the two disciplines, see
below, Chapter 7. The role of ʾAbū l-ʾAswad is discussed by Talmon (1985).
Schall (1982) gives a general introduction to the
study of the history of the
Arabic lexicon. For the question of foreign words in the
Qurʾān
, see Fraenkel (1886)
and Jeffery (1938). Syriac/Aramaic words in the
Qurʾān
are a central issue in Luxen
-
berg’s (2000) theory of Aramaic as the
lingua franca
of Mecca; for an appraisal,
see Rippin (2008). For the commentators’ attitude towards foreign words, see
Versteegh (1993a: 88–91). The examples from Muqātil’s
Tafsīr
are taken from
Versteegh (1990). The controversy about foreign words in the
Qurʾān
and
in Arabic
is dealt with by Kopf (1956). The foreign vocabulary in Ibn Hišām’s
Sīra
is listed by
Hebbo (1970), who discusses more than 200 loanwords, of which more than 50 per
cent derive from Aramaic/Syriac, while approximately 40 per cent derive from
Persian and 10 per cent from Greek. On Persian borrowings in Arabic, see Asbaghi
(1988). Bielawski (1956) compares the various methods used to expand the lexicon
in the old and the modern period (cf. also below, Chapter 12) and provides many
examples of loanwords. The examples of translations
of logical terms are taken
from Zimmermann (1972); an older, but still valuable, source for Arabic philo-
sophical terminology is Afnan (1964). A dictionary of the Arabic equivalents that
84
The Arabic Language
were used for Greek words by the translators is being compiled by Endreß and
Gutas (1992–); the language of the translation literature is dealt with by Vagelpohl
(2009); for the activities of the
Bayt al-Ḥikma
,
see Gutas (1998).
On the language of
rajaz
poetry and the special lexicon used by these poets, see
Ullmann (1966), from which the examples quoted above were taken. For the devel
-
opment of a prose
style in Arabic literature, see the programmatic article by Leder
and Kilpatrick (1992), and the surveys in
CHAL
by Latham (1983) and Serjeant
(1983); for the special genre of sermons or speeches (
ḫuṭba
), see Qutbuddin (2008);
for the development of the epistolary genre, see Gully (2008); for the role of Ibn
al-Muqaffaʿ in the development of prose style, see Latham (1990). The develop-
ment of Islamic writing and the dichotomy between oral and written in early
Islam is the subject of a series of publications by Schoeler (1985, 1989a, 1989b,
1992, 1996). Information about the development of a
library system in Islam is
in Eche (1967). The activities of az-Zuhrī and Ibn ʾIsḥāq are dealt with by Motzki
(1991) and Schoeler (1996). For history writing and the development from
ʾaḫbār
to
annalistic writing, see Rosenthal (1968). The issue of the authenticity of historical
documents used by historians is discussed at length by Noth (1973). The debate
about form (
lafḏ̣
) or meaning (
maʿnā
) is analysed by Heinrichs (1969: 69–82). For
the language of writers such as ʾUsāma ibn Munqiḏ and Ibn ʾAbī ʾUṣaybiʿa, see
below, Chapter 9, pp. 157–60.
The implications of ʿAbd al-Malik’s decree are discussed by Sprengling (1939).
On the linguistic arguments of the Šuʿūbiyya movement, see Richter-Bernburg
(1974). The relationship between Arabic and Turkic in Mamluk Egypt is analysed
by Haarmann (1988); on the influence of Arabic in Turkish, see below, Chapter 17,
pp. 324–6. On the emergence of New Persian as a literary language, see Lazard
(1975) and Zadeh (2012); on Arabic influence in Persian, see below, Chapter 17,
pp. 321–4.