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all member states have the same vote, or should more populous states have
more
votes than the smaller states, so that each citizen’s vote has the same
weight? The Ethiopian federal system has attempted to reach a compromise in
the conflict between equality of citizens and equality of regions in
representation in the second chamber. Each officially recognised national group
should in principle have one representative in the House. Additionally, the
population number of each nation or nationality is taken into consideration by
giving one representative extra for each million of its population (Art.61,2).
Despite the fact that it is not the regional units per se, but the nations and
nationalities which are represented in the HF, it is the State Councils in each
regional state which elect the members to the HF (Art.61,3).
The House of the Federation has the power to interpret
the constitution and
to establish the Council of Constitutional Enquiry, which has the duty of
investigating constitutional disputes (Art.61,1-2). HF should also decide upon
issues related to the rights of states to self-determination including secession,
find solutions to disputes between states, and determine the division of joint
federal and state revenues and the federal subsidies to the states. But with only
two sessions annually, it has little influence on the conduct of daily federal
affairs (Art.67).
Constitutional guarantees for regional representation
One of the fundamental characteristics of federations
is that the basis of
regional representation “cannot be easily altered, as by resort to the bare
majoritarian procedure which serves normal purposes” (King 1982:143, see
also chapter two of this study). Does the Ethiopian system have specific
procedures for how regional representation should be altered? Are there any
extraordinary rules to change the constitution?
As we have seen, regional representation in the central decision-making
process is ensured through the House of the Federation. Constitutional
provisions guarantee the powers and duties of this house. But the basis for
regional representation itself is relatively ambiguous, since the right of
representation is
not given to the member states, but to the nations,
nationalities and peoples. Adding to this complexity is the constitutional
provision which allows nations, nationalities and peoples within states to
establish, at any time, their own states (Art.47,2) or to secede from the
Ethiopian federation (Art.39,1). But the conditions for establishing a state or
secede are complicated and do not follow “the bare majoritarian procedure ”
(King 1982:143). If national groups want their own state within the federation,
the state council has to accept it with a two-thirds majority and has to arrange
a referendum where the majority of the voters agree on it. The demand for
secession has to be approved by a two-thirds majority
of the respective state
council and a majority in a referendum arranged by the federal government.
Any proposal for constitutional amendment has to be supported by a two-
thirds majority in the House of Peoples Representatives or in the House of the
Federation and or one third of the member states’ councils (Art.104). The basic
rights and freedoms as defined in chapter 3 of the constitution, and the rules
for amending the constitution cannot be altered without the consent of all
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member states (through a majority in each state council) and a two-thirds
majority in both the House of Peoples Representatives and the House of the
Federation (Art.105). The other provisions of the constitution can be altered by
a two-thirds majority in a joint session in the HPR and the HF and a majority
in two thirds of the state councils. This corresponds
to the fundamental
principle in federal states that the supreme law regulating federal-regional
relations and regional representation at the federal level cannot be altered
without an extraordinary majority at both federal and regional level.