CHAPTER 11 THE STRUGGLE AND THE HOME COMING 143 the$e young enthusiasts was defined in 1923 in a statement that: ”Chalutzim” is not sacrifice but fulfillment; the ”chalutz” is
an ”Individualist” and driven by man’s own desire; the
”chalutz” is the socialist (commune-man) par excellence, and
finally that individualism and collectivism emerge in an
ideological impulse that harmonizes the polarity of Body
and Spirit, Being and Value.” Joseph Trumpeldor, a veteran of the Russo-Japanese War who settled in Palestine in 1912, was the most articulate votary of all that ”chalutzim” stood for. He established a Labour Brigade in the early twenties including a group of ”chalutizists” aiming to convert the entire country into one great ’Kibbutz’ for agriculture and industry, operated by its members. The idea, however, underwent a change as a central authority was established in Israel and the labours and the enthusiasm of these zealots turned into making a new nation state. Karl Marx and socialists including even David Ben Curion modified the model of Russian socialism into a practical patriotic central national authority, representing the State. There were many strands of idealism among the early pioneers and they differed violently on the matters of state, personal property, commune labour and physical time. But they had one thing in common-love of the land and to make a home for themselves with physical work. The Utopian dream of these commune enthusiasts midwifed many settlements; one of them Bittania boasted of the most open society, called comrnunators. Weizmann, one of the founding fathers ^entioned earlier, was fascinated by these communards and Or>ce remarked that, ”To be a Zionist it is not necessary to be a , r° and often primitive. Arthur Koestler, a profound writer of .Jst|rnes, left his studies in 1926 at the University of Vienna and ”led the commune at Hepbzibah. He was shocked at the Q^ shackled conditions of the commune which resembled those j0 ^ poorest in Europe. In spite of differing views, the tL fktion of the Jewish ideology was laid by the First Aliya in Blowing terms: (1) the party system- its unique centrality in 144 INDIA AND ISRAEL CHAPTER 11 political life; (2) strong belief in equality; (3) continuing informality
and simplicity in manners, dress, and language; (4) agrarian
ritual; (5) belief in voluntary action; (6) the notion of an official
(Zionist) ”state ideology.” Although the Jewish society is widely split in its views on
almost everything, from temporal to spiritual and this diversity
has given rise to many political parties from extreme left to ieftof-center,
centre, right and extreme right, the fusion of these
parties in 1965 guaranteed that what began in 1930 will
characterise Israel’s political life for many many years. The political
machine set up by the founding fathers has proved so powerful
and self-actuated that all the differences sink in the overall
national interest. Today Histadrut Labour Union is the most
powerful instrument of social activities and social justice in Israel,
comprising 80 percent of its population. The public transport
system is controlled by a Drivers’ Cooperative under the
Histadrut. So also are the other social sectors of economy
including a vast array of different industries. Construction and
investment companies, mines, banks, credit finance, and foreign
trade comprising 40 percent of the total economy are owned by
the”Commonwealth of Labour” represented by Histadrut under
the benevolent gaze of government. Government controlled
Kibbutz and the cooperative moshavs represent two-thirds of
the total farm population as well as an increasing share of the
country’s manufactured products and cybernetics based industries. inUUbllics. . . Ideology forms the life-breath of the Israeli social l.te
shrewd observer once remarked: ”removing ideology from brae
polities would be more than depriving the traveller ot h*
roadmap, it would mean divesting him of most of the land c
and much of his vehicle as well.... Higher living standard an
re ,-t^ned technocrats are not likely to alter charac^^
are such a basic part of modern Israel s heritage. A basic tho g
thai permeates all sections of Jews ,n Israel rs that dunnfe
Second World War when the greatest calamities had bt ^
the Jewish people in their long and arduous history, ve |f
non-Jews and not a single sovereign state actively came to CHAPTER 11THE STRUGGLE AND THE HOME COMING 145 rescue or showed any intention to save them. It is thus not easy
to completely understand the implications of this on the evolving
national temper. Jewish sense of isolation, therefore, is not
unfounded.The terrifying consequences of this feeling against
the background of the holocaust has generated a pessimism of
encirclement and utter loneliness in the world, so aptly described
below: ”When our children under the gallows wept,
The world its silence Kept...” This Idneliness is the root cause of Israeli’s attitude which seems
unduly stubborn to the outside world. Pious admonishments
from outside onlookers have very little meaning, and they further
drive even the most tolerant Israeli into a quarantine against
foreign criticism. A harassed people under the logic of convulsive
circumstances at last came into their own. A planned orderly
exodus turned into a desperate bid for escape. Always and ever
running away from their historic fate, a total dependence upon
the shifting shades of tolerance of others, Israelis knew no calm
and rest. With conflict staring them in the face there was no light
at the end of the tunnel. Fight for survival seemed to be the fate
that their God had ordained for them. The return of the Jews
to their ancient patrimony is aptly described in the following
three lines, a saying from Talmud, a song of the pioneers, and
a statement by Herzl: ”If I am not for myself, who then is for me?
We came to build the land to be rebuilt by it....
If you will it, it is no fairy tale.” Be that as it may, the saga of immigration into Eretz Israel ”The
land of Israel” reads like a Creek epic and holds a candle to the
rest of the world as to how a miniscule society of Jews coming
from different lands all over the world converged on to their
promised land in search of shelter and home. They came from
a” sides and by all possible means, openly and under cover,
through small craft boats, merchant vessels, even liners but mostly
stealthily landing at night on inhospitable seashores, policed and
Patrolled by the officials of the British Mandate. Many died in 146 INDIA AND ISRAEL CHAPTER 11 the way, many were sunk in the sea and many starved to death
But those who made it to their land had the burning zeal to
make Palestine their home. There is no example in the world
history where people in driblets from all corners of the world
undertook long sea voyages to reach their distant home. They
came from America, and they came from Germany, Poland,
Central Europe and Russia. The first Jew settler in the Eretz Israel
was Ahron David Gordon, who formed the vanguard of the first
Aliya. Most of these early immigrants spoke Yiddish, a German
Jewish dialect spoken in Russia and East Europe, i.e., Polanc,
Latavia, Estonia, Lithuania, and Bukhara. Along with these were
also the Sephardic Jews coming from Spain, and distant lands.
Wave after wave of this immigration (Aliya) in three distinct
phases, i.e., First, Second and Third Aliya moved into Israel and
this Aliya was not completed till the end of the 30s. One of the important features of the Jewish migration to
Palestine is the help rendered by Hagannah, the Jewish SelfDefense
Organisation which conducted rescue operations for
the European Jews and smuggled arms inside the ghettos. There
were one million such Jews in Hungary, Romania and
Czechoslovakia. One Hanah Szenes, a daring Jewish paratrooper
in Hungary, paid the price for his endeavours to smuggle out the
Jews. He was caught and summarily shot. Hagannah’s assault
force called Palamach, the youth wing was commanded by Yigal
Allon. Every member of Palamach had to take the following
oath: ”That this weapon which has been entrusted to me by tie Hagannah in the land of Israel. I, shall fight with for my country against enemies of my people without surrrender, without flinching and with complete dedication.” Though the Jewish immigration in Palestine before 1917 was resented by the Arabs, they did not actively oppose it till the inflow increased after 1920s and became a torrent in 1930s, which made them feel hedged in. The Jewish population in Palestine before 1840 was a mere 24,000 most of whom were very poor and lived in small ghettos of Safed, Tiberius, Hebron and Jerusalem. They subsisted mainly on charitable gifts from CHAPTER 11 THE STRUGGLE AND THE HOMC COMING 147 abroad and led a pious and dedicated life. The pogroms in
Russia and East Europe in the late 19th century doubled the
Jewish immigration to 50,000, their favoured place being
Jerusalem. Increasing with each successive Aliya, the Jewish
population in Jerusalem city alone rose to 100,000 while Muslims
stood at 40,000 and the remaining 25,000 being Christians of
Arab and European origin. Thereafter, the Jewish population
increased steadily by about 10,000 each year to 174,000 in
1932. However, this was too meager for the consummation of
the Jewish state, since the Jews represented only 23 percent of
the total estimated population of Palestine at 760,000. However,
the flood gates were opened due to mass migration of the Jews
from Europe under the holocaust of Hitler’s anti-Semetic laws
and oppression in Russia. As a result, from 1933 to 1936 the
Jewish population doubled to 370,000 forming 28 percent of
the total. In the next 13 years, the flood gates opened wider
and the Jewish population doubled to 600,000 or 32 percent
of the total population in 1947. While the Jewish population did
increase between 1917 to 1947, the Arab population during
the same period practically doubled from 620,000 to 1,300,000. After the First World War and the establishment of the
British Mandate, there were three Arab organisations of political
significance in the State of Palestine. The most important was the
Muslim Christian Association (MCA), which stands for Al-Jamiyya
al-lslamiyya al-Musihiyya. They had more than 200 members in
1919 and aimed at firmly opposing Jewish immigration into
Palestine, the idea of Zionism and the creation of a Jewish
National Home on their soil. They demanded unconditional
independence for Greater Syria and internal self-government for
Palestine as part of the broader Syrian State. The other two
organisations were Muntada meaning a literary society, exclusively
Muslim with 600 members. The third being al- Basduak- Arabi
(the Arab Club) also exclusively Muslim and Arab with 500
members, demanded self-goverenment of Palestine under Greater
tyria with minor changes from the demands of M.C.A. Then
there was the Supreme Muslim Council (S.M.C.) which prevented
any land purchase by the Jews by bringing them under Waqf’s
Jurisdiction. 148 INDIA AND ISRAEL CHAPTER 11 ^^^^^^•^ Arabs strongly resisted the Jewish influx by force. They had
already rejected the United Nations’ Resolution of 1947 for the
partition of Palestine which was logical and fair to both the
parties. However, the Arabs refused to accept it. In the U.N
resolution both Arabs and Jewish States were to be part of
Palestine while Jerusalem was designated as a ”corpus separatum”
to be governed by an international administration. This satisfied
neither the Jews nor the Arabs. While disliking this geographic
split and award of fertile lands to the Arabs, David Ben-Gurion
was prepared to accept the plan as a price for international
support. The Arabs, however, refused to concede even an inch
of territory and the five surrounding Arab nations prepared for
war. The British did their best to control the events. But the
nationalistic rivalry of the two combatants drained their resources
and they had to leave the country. British policy in Palestine was born out of their war aim to
defeat the Turkish empire in the Middle East with the help of the
Arabs. While Gen. Allenby was in overall command, a
diversionary attack by the famous Lawrence of Arabia with his
Arab contingent occupied the Gulf of Aquaba. This was the
background of the traditional friendship between the British and
the Arabs to oppose Jewish migration during the ”period of the
mandate. Arab attacks on Jewish settlements, or Kibbitzun as
they were called, continued under the benevolent gaze of the
Mandate authorities. In all propriety, Courts of Inquiry were
held to investigate and punish the guilty But this was a mere
eyewash. The sufferers were always the Jews. While Arab hostility
and active British connivance was aiming to shut the gates for
the immigrant Jews, the pressure from Hitler’s butchery was too
strong to deter the immigrants. To quote Begin: ”Soon any dormant belief that the sealed frontiers of Europe
would prevent their escape was shattered. The Irgun Zvai
Leumi, which in association with the Zionist-Revisionist Party
and the Betar youth organisation, had brought manv
thousands of ”illegal” immigrants into the country, never
halted its activities. The British authorities exerted themselves
to horrify the world by gruesome descriptions of the ””””””TER ^ ’H£ STRUGGLE AND THE