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1^ In the theoretical framework we have defined general categories of normative principles, goals, means and impact. Further, these categories have been specified in the first qualitative analysis: normative values include - democracy, protection of human rights, fundamental freedoms and rule of law; normative means – cooperation, dialogue and exchange of practices; normative goals – promotion of the stated values and their implementation.

2^ See the page

3^ The reason why we have chosen this time frame is identical to previous justification we made when explaining the time frame of case study. (See the page 8)

4^ It should be noted that Hanns Maull also advocated „civilian“approaches. However, his study was focused on the post-World War II Germany and Japan’s role in the international arena.

5^ Increasing distrust of Communism, after Soviet invasion in Afghanistan; Iran-Iraq war; reciprocal deployment of missile systems in Europe; rise of ethnic nationalism in the Balkans following Tito’s death etc.

6^ Treaty on the European Union signed in Maastricht in 1992 was a milestone achievement clarifying rules and principles of internal solidification of the Union. Treaty of Amsterdam signed in 1997 contributed to the image of the Union as an international actor by equipping Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP, which was introduced in accordance with Maastricht Treaty, with additional tools and by introducing the High Representative for CSFP.

7^ Presently these principles are set out in the Article 2 of the Treaty on the European Union

8^ Presently the mentioned tasks and objectives are set out in the Articles 9, 10, 11 of the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union.

9^ This claim is also relevant in the case of Normative Power Europe as I mentioned the historical context that was highlighted by Manners as one of the sources of Europe’s normativity.

10^ Unlike the US approach which appears as less concerned with particular context (Youngs, 2004)

11^ Even Manners did not explicitly reject the presence of power politics: “This is not to say that the EU’s civilian power, or fledging military power, are unimportant, simply that its ability to shape conceptions of “normal” international relations needs to be given much greater attention.” (Manners, 2002: 239)

12^ Such conceptualization brings on similarities with Nye’s “soft power” which also prioritizes co-optive means of diffusion (“the ability to change what others want”) rather than military or economic coercion (Nye, 2004: 5). But “normative power” is a theoretical concept rooted in the processes of socialization unlike “soft power” which is more an empirical concept (Manners, 2007). Moreover, Diez (2005: 622) argues that “soft power” has been a tool of American foreign policy that was occasionally backed by the use of military force and, unlike the European mode of normativity, it neglects the binding role of international laws and regulations. The implications regarding the role of international laws and institutions can be deducted from the comparison of European and American Security Strategies.

13^ For instance, African Union and ASEAN have both structured their co-operation to come into line with the EU (Börzel and Risse, 2009).

14^ PHARE and TACIS programmes are among examples of “transference” mechanism (Manners 2002)

15^ Utility maximization is not an end of normative policy. For instance, in the previous chapter we discredited conditionality as normative tool, which, indeed, has a utilitarian nature aimed to maximize the benefits of both actors.

16^ Advancement of the European Security and Defence Policy (ESDP) envisaging deployment of Rapid Reaction Force

17^ In chapter 3 we have discussed the explanations given by Manners.

18^ Why we have chosen the Eastern Partnership documents and a particular time frame covering 2009-2013 will be explained in the respective chapter.

19^ Suchlike mechanism was available before but it was practiced in the context of the enlargement process.

20^ European Commissioner for External Relations and European Neighbourhood Policy 2004-2009.

21^ Production Sharing Agreement signed between governments and companies

22^ „Contract of the Century“– a contract signed in September 1994 between the government of Azerbaijan and 13 companies representing 8 countries.

23^ The New Azerbaijan Party (Yeni Azərbaycan Partiyası) established by Heydar Aliyev in 1992.

24^ The referendum held in 2002 determined that a prime minister instead of the speaker of parliament will replace the president in case if the latter is unable to rule. A year later Ilham Aliyev by the approval of Parliament became a prime minister of Azerbaijan.

25^ Head of Presidential Administration since 1995

26^ The ratings reflect the consensus of Freedom House, its academic advisers, and the author(s) of this report. The opinions expressed in this report are those of the author(s). The ratings are based on a scale of 1 to 7, with 1 representing the highest level of democratic progress and 7 the lowest. The Democracy Score is an average of ratings for the categories tracked in a given year.

27^ Another example of co-optive strategy of the government is the case of NIDA activists. Activists of youth movement NIDA arrested during March 2013 protests were pardoned by Ilham Aliyev in 2014. Afterwards, some of them applied for YAP (ruling party) membership. (APA 2014)

28^ Initial formulation of article 101 of the Constitution stated: “No one can be elected as the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan more than twice“. After 2009 amendment the article was supplemented by: “In case the conduct of the Presidential Election of the Republic of Azerbaijan is not held due to military operations under a state of war, the term of office of the President of the Republic of Azerbaijan shall be extended until the end of military operations. The decision on this matter shall be adopted by the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Azerbaijan on the basis of the application of the state body organizing elections (referendum).“

29^ Technical Assistance to the Commonwealth of Independent States

30^ Commonwealth of Independent States

31^ Observed in previous part.

32^ In total in 2014, Azerbaijan exported 35,2 million metric tons of oil with Italy (23%), Germany (11%) and France (9%) among the biggest importers (TREND 2015)

33^ So far, such measures taken by the EU in South Ossetia and Abkhazia have not culminated in tangible breakthrough

34^ „The European Neighbourhood Policy of the European Union sets ambitious objectives based on mutual commitments of the EU and its Member States and Azerbaijan to common values, including the respect of and support for the sovereignty, territorial integrity and inviolability of internationally recognised borders of each other and compliance to international and European norms and principles as well as support for effective implementation of political, economic and institutional reforms“. (Action Plan 2006: 1).

35^ For the other two areas these numbers are – 35-40% and 30-35% respectively.

36^ Freedom House’s index of Freedom of the Press indicates decline in Azerbaijan from 78 in 2009 to 82 in 2013, based on calculations where 0 is best and 100 is worth. (Freedom House, Freedom of the Press 2015).

37^ Azadliq Radiosu is the local branch of Radio Free Europe/ Radio Liberty.

38^ Ali Hasanov – Head of public-political issues Department in Presidential Administration

39^ Elmar Mammadyarov – Minister of Foreign Affairs of Azerbaijan

40^ Novruz Mammadov – Chief of the Department of foreign relations in Presidential Administration

41^ Miklos Haraszti – OSCE Representative on Freedom and media: “Freedom of discussion of public issues [in Azerbaijan] is dying” (Reuters 2009).

42^ Iranian ayatollah Fazel Lankarani issued fatwa calling for death penalty to Rafiq Tagi.

43^ SOCAR – State Oil Company of Azerbaijan Republic

44^ Amendments to Law on mass media in 2009 were omitted from both the EU and other international observers’ reports. (see the page 67)

45^ See the page 69