Moving along the grammaticalisation path: locative and allative marking of non-finite clauses and secondary predications in australian languages

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1 An earlier version of this paper was presented at the PIONIER Workshop on Locative Case, 25-–26 August 2008, Radboud University, Nijmegen, the Netherlands. Thanks to the organisers and participants for comments on the paper and to Diana Forker, Mary Laughren, and Anne Tamm for sharing data. Examples are from authors’ fieldwork if not otherwise referenced.

2 CAT is what is known as a ‘catalyst’ in Australian linguistics: an element in a small closed set which hosts pronominal enclitics of which one like Gurindji ngu has no other meaning or function; in Warlpiri similar elements are generally called AUX(iliaries).

3 Abbreviations used in this paper: 1 ,2, 3: first, second,third person; A :transitive subject; ABL :ablative; ABS : absolutive; ACC accusative; Afs ,Afv: Yolngu verb suffixes [Schebeck]];ALL :allative; AN: allative-marked nominal location; AS: allative subordination; ASSOC: associative; CAT: catalyst; DAT:dative; e: exclusive; ERG:ergative; EU :euphony; FREQ: frequent; FUT: future; ILL: illative; IMPF:imperfect; INCHOAT inchoative; IO :indirect object; ACT : action; LIG:ligative; LOC Locative;LS :Locative subordination; MANN :manner; NFIN : nonfinite (covers forms glossed by grammarians as infinitive, nominalisation and gerund); NOM: nominative; NPST : nonpast; O :object; pl:plural; PASTCOMP: past complementiser; PCON: past continuous;; PRES: present; PROG: progressive; PURP: purposive; REFL: reflexive; S: subject/ intransitive subject; sg : singular; TH :thematic consonant; UNM: unmarked inflection; USIT : usitative

4 In Gurindji and neighbouring Eastern Ngumpin languages, Western Ngumpin and Yapa languages, Warumungu and neighbouring Non-Pama-Nyungan languages, verbal concepts are primarily expressed by complex verbs made up of a coverb expressing the main lexical content and a small set of light or ancillary inflecting verbs. In Gurindji and other Eastern Ngumpin languages, coverbs can occur alone without a light verb in some contexts such as non-finite subordinate clauses, but this is not possible in Western Ngumpin and Yapa languages (eg Warlpiri). An example of such a complex verb is karrap nya- ‘see’ in the Gurindji example (1).); in (11)-(14) the coverb karrap follows the verb nya-. In (3) talwirr is the coverb for ‘hang’: in a main clause it would normally occur with the inflecting verb karri- ‘be’.

5 In Australia it seems that the construction is not lost but often maintained when a non-locative subordinator is innovated, as shown in McConvell’s (2006) study of the grammaticalisation of demonstratives into subordinating complementisers in Ngumpin-Yapa (including some of the languages like Gurindji and Warlpiri discussed in this paper). There is no evidence to hand either that the complementiser innovation in Ngumpin-Yapa is due to language contact.

6 Huumo (2006:61) also gives examples of intransitive process verbs taking allatives for the ultimate location of the subject entity.

7 Unlike most Australian especially Pama-Nyungan languages, which are absolutive-ergative, Ngarluma is a nominative-accusative language. The accusative case marker is cognate with the dative marker elsewhere. In Kanyara and Mantharta languages (Austin 1995:375) which are split ergative, in subordinate clauses the case of the controller in the main clause also marks the verb of the subordinate clause.

8 The ALL case-form in Jaru for instance is –ngga-wu ‘LOC+DAT’ but this is not a common way of forming ALL in Australian languages.

9 Spelling changed to a practical orthography using 'rC' for retroflexes, 'r' for a retroflex rhotic, 'rr' for a flap, 'ng' for a velar nasal, Cy for a laminal consonant, ''y for a laminal approximant.

10 The ALLative case suffix in Jaru is made up of the LOCative plus the DATive –ku/wu.

11 In Gurindji, the ligative –ku- (gu) is used to link locative and ergative suffixes to some consonant-final stems, but a different form is used with –t (d) final stems. Cf. the similar ligatives in Wakaya and possibly historically in Warumungu mentioned above.

Laughren (in press) argues that the Object-control complementiser –kurra selects a dynamic stage-level predicate, or else forces a stage-level reading on the nominal to which it attaches. The suffix –rni in LOC+rni is identical to the suffix –rni ‘exactly, only, still’ in the Easterrn Ngumpin languages, which has an aspectual use similar to the ‘simultaneous’ function in Warlpiri (McConvell 1983). The use of the sequence –LOC-rni in Eastern Ngumpin place names, and the fact that it has been calqued in Jaminjungan place names to the north, indicates that this is an old subordinating construction in Ngumpin-Yapa (McConvell 2004; in press). –karra is used as suffix on (same subject) secondary predications in Ngumpin languages, and may be related to the free form karra ‘thus’ in the western Ngumpin language Walmajarri.

12 V represents a vowel whose quality is determined by the preceding vowel. –ngkV is descended from the proto-Pama-Nyungan *-ngka LOC and *-ngku ERG with bimoraic vowel-final stems. –njjV, the form with vowel final stems of more than two morae, seems to be descended from a ligative *-ny- plus the forms found with –ny final stems *-ja LOC and * –ju ERG. Since the PPN polymoraic LOC form *-la has been replaced as the normal LOC, the possibility that *-la survives in the subordinator –kVl can be entertained.

13 Breen does not provide morpheme breaks in his transcription.

14 There are some examples of subordinate verbs suffixed with a ligative and a final vowel -i, but the data is not clear on how these are to be interpreted.

15 The orthography used by Schebeck has been modified here: ng is a velar nasal, nha a lamino-dental nasal and th is a lamino-dental oral stop.

16 The LOC ‘same subject’ suffix is –n in Wanyi and –nV in Garrwa. Breen cites examples from both languages where LOC also marks object control, not same subject. The ‘anomalous’ examples do not appear to have the property of the subject being in a different location from the object as in other languages discussed. One example from Wanyi (Breen’s 66, 2003: 449) appears to indicate that ALL is used where there is no identity between NP’s in the main and subordinate clause (unlike Gurindji for instance where LOC is used in such situations). The languages also differ in whether nominals in the subordinate clause agree in case (LOC/ALL) with the clause marking: in Wanyi they do and in Garrwa they do not.

17 -ni is also ERGativealso denotes an ergative meaning as in other languages discussed here. It is conceivable that the –barda~-warda suffix is related to Wakaya –ert which is Allativedenotes allative as well as functioning to mark object control in subordinate non-finite clauses. The –ba- is a verbal suffix in Wambaya which could have combined with the –rtV. This could be a case of borrowing into Wambaya but more research would be needed to establish this.

18 Jingulu –ngka ALLATIVE could be cognate with Wambaya –nka DATIVE; as Rice and Kabata (2007) show, the change in function can go in either direction so further evidence is needed.

19 McConvell and Laughren (2004) suggest that a number of elements diffused from Warluwarric into Ngumpin-Yapa before these two groups became separated and it is possible that similarly some features like those under discussion in this paper only entered the eastern languages of Ngumpin-Yapa. However another possibility is that AN was present in proto-NGY but was lost in the West. An alternative, but less likely hypothesis is that Ngumpin-Yapa and Warluwarric jointly form (part of ) a higher level grouping within Pama-Nyungan. Adding Yolngu to such a putative linguo-genetic grouping to account for the sharing of the AN feature is even less plausible on present indications.

20 Tomioka (2008) calls the predication of a locative to a whole clause 'the Davidsonian event interpretation', and claims that this is the only reading possible of Japanese locative adpositions, unlike in English for instance. In the relevant Australian cases LOC has the whole-event reading and ALL (in the locative sense) does not include the transitive subject (except in Warumungu). Whether the verb together with the object and excluding the subject agentlatter can be interpreted as a ‘sub-event’ rather than a matter of syntactic scope is not clear, and relates to the following discussion.