Moving along the grammaticalisation path: locative and allative marking of non-finite clauses and secondary predications in australian languages

4.7 Yolngu (Pama-Nyungan)

The AN pattern is also found in the Yolngu languages. The change to ALL only seems to occur when the subject and object are not co-located as in (48); when they are, as in (49) the case-marking remains LOC.

Yolngu (Schebeck, 1976:356)¹⁵
(48) Yuul=ngu-thu taykka-nha puu-ya-n pala-nga.

man-ERG woman-ACC hit-Afs-Afv house-LOC

‘The man hit the woman in the house’
(49) Yul=ngu-thu warakkan-nha nhaa-ngal tharppa-li.

man-ERG bird-ACC see-Afv tree-ALL

‘The man saw the bird in the tree’.
Morphy, writing of the Djapu dialect of Yolngu (1983:100) characterises the difference in use as follows:
(locative) locational function is clause wide in scope: a location function case marker (LOC or zero) may only be used if all the participants enumerated are in the same place therefore a sentence like [50] can only mean that he was there and I was there too. If the subject is in one place and the object is in another, the local NP is always marked from the perspective of the subject. Thus [51] would be appropriate if the man was in the shade and I was outside looking in
(50) Ngarra nhaa-ma rdarramu-n waanga-ngur

1-NOM see UNM man-ACC camp-LOC

‘I saw the man in the camp’ [both I and the man in the camp]
(51) Ngarra nhaa-ma rdarramu-n ngurrnggitj-lil

1-NOM see UNM man-ACC camp-ALLLOC

‘I saw the man in the shade’ [I outside shade]
There is no LS or AS pattern in Yolngu.

4.8 Garrwa-Wanyi (Non Pama-Nyungan)

There is no AN construction in these two closely related languages.

There is LS/AS however. The suffix indicating different subject in (52) is the ALL indicating object control while the suffix glossed indicates same subject in (53) incorporates the LOC suffix, -n(V )following a verbal suffix -j and an epenthetic vowel –i- (Austin 1981; Mary Laughren p.c; Breen 2003:447-9¹⁶).
(52) Manku ngayu yanypa-kurri yalu-ngi.

hear I-PRES talk-ALL they-DAT

‘I hear them talking’
(53) Jungku yali ningki-jina payakarta juka.

sit they-PAST 1ook_at-LIG-LOC small boy-ABS

‘They sat looking at the small boy’
As Austin (1981:328) notes,
Of particular interest is the fact that Garawa-Wanyi -jina REL(SS) contains -nu,

the nominal locative-case suffix (cf. 983.24, 3.3, 3.4), while -kurril-kyurri contains

-rri, which is the allative suffix attached to nouns ending in -a and -u.
In other words the same-subject construction may be related to a LOC suffix (i.e. LS), and the object or different subject control construction may be related to an Allative (i.e. AS). Further support comes from Wanyi, where -kurri is a form of the ALL and –nV is the LOC attached to a verbal element –ji in this construction (Mary Laughren p.c.).

4.9 Wambaya (Non-Pama-Nyungan, Mirndi Family, Eastern Branch)

There is no AN construction in Wambaya.

There is LS in Wambaya. Nordlinger (1998:213) writes that Wambaya marks same subject non-finite clauses with the LOC –ni as in (54). If the subject is different, the ‘infinitive’ suffix –barda/-warda (glossed INF) is used as in (55). ¹⁷
(54) Bungmaji gi-n mirra yandu-ji-ni barrawu

old_man 3sg-PROG sit mind-TH-LOC house

‘The old man is staying looking after the house’
(55) Nganki ngiy-a lurrgbanyi wardangarringa-ni alaji gulug-barda.

this 3sg-PAST grab moon-LOC/ERG child sleep-INF

‘The moon grabbed her sleeping child’
While there is a division here similar to the AN case, -barda-warda is not used to denote allative meanings.an ALLative case suffix. In Wambaya the ALL is –nmanji and in Gudanji – nma. Nordlinger notes that -barda may also be used for same subject in prior and purposive clauses. However her example 8.14 (56) exhibits -barda on a secondary predicate which is predicated of the object.
(56) dulanymi ngiya nganki gulug-barda.

raise 3sg PAST this sleep-INF

‘She awoke him from sleep’
The purposive examples are, however, same subject, like
(57) Yarru g-any yany-barda managanymi-nka

go 3sgS get-INF food-DAT

‘I am going to get food’
This duality of use of the -barda suffix is reminiscent of the duality of use of ALL in Warlpiri for purposive and simultaneous action. Note that the subordinate object of the purposive clause is marked with DAT, not ALL. This may be related to the fact that there is no AN.

4.10 Jingulu (Non Pama-Nyungan, Mirndi family)

No AN construction is mentioned for Jingulu and an example where it could apply in languages with it (5.68 e in Pensalfini 2003:186) LOC is found.

Jingulu has an LS construction and an AS construction according to Kenneth Hale’s field-notes (1960b) but Pensalfini (2003:127) finds it rare and marginal.
(58) Mankiya-nga-ju nguk-ajku-mbili

sit-1sg-do cry-NOM-LOC

‘I sit down crying’
(59) Ngaja-nga-ju mankiya-ju-ngka

see-1sg-do sit-do-ALL

‘I see him sitting, ’¹⁸

4.11 Wardaman (Non-Pama-Nyungan)

In Wardaman, a Non-Pama-Nyungan language north-east of Gurindji, both

LOC and ALL-marked subordinate coverbs and adverbs are found, ALL expressing object control, but the equivalent construction on nominal locative secondary predications (AN) is absent.
Merlan (1994:287-290) reports on ALL and LOC ‘particle complements’. ‘Particle’ is roughly what we are calling ‘coverb’ here for other languages. ALL is found where the complement is of the object of the clause (only direct objects are exemplified). She says ‘adverbs’ like far, close are also ALL marked if they are attributes of the object, but does not indicate whether plain LOCativeLOC marked phrases as secondary predications switch to have ALL insteads if linked to objects (and her example on page 76 indicates they do not), or whether nominalised verbs as well as coverbs behave this way (the implication is that they do not).
(60) Mugurn-garr nga-lawu-rri borlgob

sleep-ALL 3sg/1sg-reach-PAST sneaking

‘He caught up to me on the sly while I was sleeping’
ALL can also be a marker of purposive as a goal of verb of motion (Merlan 1994:282-3). In this case it can be used with nominalised (non-finite) forms of verbs in contrast to the above marginal AN type which can apparently only be used with ‘particles’ (coverbs).
(61) gurrg-bi-warr nganja yiwarna-warr lagla-warr

sleep-NFIN-ALL 1sg-go-PRES other -ALL camp-ALL

‘I’m going to sleep in another place’