26. Boner's supphcation to the Lord Chancellor, and the
rest of the Council, complaining of the commissioners.
Dated October 26, 1549.
27. The heads of another supphcation to the King from
the said Boner, desiring his Majesty's letter of supersedeas
OF KING EDWARD VI. 177
against the commissioners; and that the matter might be CHAP,
heard before the Council. _J 1
28. The King and CounciPs letter to Nicolas, bishop of 469
London, for taking down of altars in churches. Dated
Nov. 24, 1550. With certain reasons why the Lord's board
should rather be after the form of a table, than of an altar.
29. The Lady Mary to the Protector, and the rest of
the Council, concerning her conformity to the King's pro-
ceedings. Dated June 22, 1549.
30. A remembrance of certain matters appointed by the
Council to be declared by Dr. Hopton to the Lady Mary's
Grace, for answer to her former letter. Dated June 14,
[24,] 1549.
31. The Lady Mary to the Lord Protector, and the rest
of the Council. Dated June 27, 1549.
32. The King's Majesty's letter to the Lady Mary.
Dated Jan. 24, 1550.
33. The Lady Mary to the King's most excellent Ma-
jesty. Dated Feb. 3.
34. The Lady Mary to the Lords of the Council, Dec.
4, 1550.
35. The Council to the Lady Mary, Dec. 25.
36. The Lady Mary to the Lords of the Council, May
2, 1551.
37. The Council to the Lady Mary, May 6, 1551.
38. The Lady Mary to the Council, May 11.
39. The Council to the Lady Mary, May 27, 1551.
40. The Lady Mary to the Lords of the Council, June
21, 1551.
41. The Council to the Lady Mary, June 24, 1551.
42. The Lady Mary to the King's Majesty, Aug. 19-
43. The King to the Lady Mary, Aug. 24.
44. The King's Majesty's instructions concerning their
message to the Lady Mary, given to the Lord Chancellor,
Sir Anthony Wyngfield, and Sir William Petre, Aug. 24.
45. A writ or evidence touching the order and manner of
the misdemeanour of Stephen, bishop of Winchester, with
declaration of the faults wherewith he was justly charged.
VOL. II. PART II. N
178 MEMORIALS ECCLESIASTICAL
BOOK 46. A letter of the Bishop of Winchester to Mr. Vaughan
II «• ...
of Portsmouth, concerning pulHng down certain nnages in
that town. Dated May 3, 1547.
47. Divers letters of the Protector to that Bishop, and
of that Bishop to the Protector, dated from South wark and
Winchester, 1547.
48. The Bishop of Winchester to Ridley, containing
matter and objections against a certain sermon of his, made
at Court.
49. The tenor and copy of a letter sent from the Duke
of Somerset to the Bishop of Winchester, touching such
points as the said Bishop should entreat of, in his sermon.
Dated June 28, 1548.
50. A letter sent to the Bishop of Winchester, signed
by the King, and subscribed by the Council, together
Avith certain articles for him to subscribe. Dated July 4,
1550.
51. The sequestration of the Bishop of Winchester.
52. The appeal of the said Bishop before the sentence
definitive.
53. The sentence definitive against him.
54. A letter of the Lord Protector to the Lord Russel,
lord privy seal, concerning troubles working against him.
Dated Oct. 6, 1549.
55. The Lord Protector to the Council at London, Oct.
7, 1549.
4jro 56. The King's letter to Sir Henry Amcotts, lord mayor,
and Sir Rowland Hill, mayor elect, and to die aldermen
and citizens of London, to levy men to attend upon him
and his uncle the Protector. Dated Oct. 6, with the Pro-
tectory's name subscribed.
57. The Lords' letter to the mayor, aldermen, and citizens
of London, for a supportation of armed men against the
Protector. Dated also Oct. 6, 1549.
58. Articles objected against the Lord Protector.
59. An epistle of young Prince Edward to the Archbi-
shop of Canterbury, his gcKlfather.
60. Another -epistle of the same to the same.
OF KING EDWARD VI. 179
61. The answer of the Archbishop to Prince Edward's CHAP.
. ,1 xxvii.
epistle.
62. Dr. Cox, the Prince's schoolmaster, to the Archbi-
shop of Canterbury, concerning the Prince's proficiency.
63. The prayer of King Edward before" his death.
From all wliich may be collected ample matter for a fur-
ther illustration of the state of affairs in this King's reign.
CHAP. XXVIIL
Animadversions ttpon Sir John Hayward's life and reign
of King Edward VI.
xVS I have in several places of the foregoing history taken Posterity
occasion to correct some errors or defects in Sir John Hay- imposed
ward's book ; so I cannot conclude my collections of this "i'**"' "*""
, '' . the dead to
Kinrr, without some few more animadversions thereon : and be misre-
that out of that private love I bear to the truth of history, P''«=scnted.
and that public concern that inspires me with a care of pos-
terity ; and that it be not (as it is too much) imposed upon
with falsehood : and that those that are long since dead, be
not represented quite different from what indeed they were,
and that, too often, to the diminishing of their reputation
to posterity.
Hayward's style and language is good, and so is his fancy Hayward's
too ; only he makes too much use of it for an historian : tjous.
which puts him sometimes to make speeches for others ^''^*^°'^^'"S
which they never spake, nor perhaps thought on : there ispr. leso.
one made for the King, upon his reflection on the loss ofP"''^^'
his uncle the Duke of Somerset, too wise and too deep for
a child-king to think or utter. It is another imperfection
in our author, that he shewed himself too partial, seldom
speaking well of the Reformation, nor of the chief reformers,
especially those of the clergy, as of Goodrick, bishop of Ely,
Latyraer, sometime bishop of Worcester, and Cranmer,
archbishop of Canterbury : against the two last whereof
especially he shot out his arrows, even bitter words, and
n2
180 MEMORIALS ECCLESIASTICAL
BOOK framed such characters of them, as, if true, would have ren-
______ dered them very evil men. His pen is, for the most part,
dipped in vinegar and gall, giving sharp and ill descriptions
47 1 of men generally, and making the reign to run altogether
upon intrigue and ill design ; and that, however plausibly
things outwardly appeared, other /matters were drove at.
And lastly, it is a fault in him, that he wrote a history with-
out any chronology, and leaves his reader to grope for the
knowledge of the time, and the months and years wherein
the respective things fell out. The want of which spoils
the beauty and evidence of history, and makes the notices
of things confused and uncertain.
The au- The authors he is beholden to, for assisting him with the
him used, materials of his history, are four especially. The first is
Patten's account of the expedition into Scotland by the Duke
of Somerset, in the first year of the King ; (which author is
transcribed into Holinshed, whence, I suppose, he had it ;)
and that is the reason he is so large and particular in that
affair : but that author assists him no further than where
that expedition ended. His second assistant is Holinshed's
History ; which he often transcribes, and sometimes mends
the speeches which he meets with there, by his own fancy
and additions. His third author is King Edward himself,
in his excellent Journal ; which, it seems, he had the perusal
Page 3. of, by the favour of Sir Robert Cotton ; and so he acknow-
ledges. But this Journal, containing but short and imperfect
notices of things that fell out, our author hath taken too
much liberty sometimes to fill up and add unto them by
his own mere conjectures, confidently related as matters
of truth ; which yet sometimes prove mistakes And \vhere
the Journal is at an end, (for it concludes in November,
1552,) his history is well near ended too ; though tliere were
eiffht months between that and the Kino-'s death. The
fourth author he makes use of is Nicolas Sanders, De Schism.
AngVicano ; a most profligate fellow, a very slave to the
Roman see, and a sworn enemy to his own country, caring
not what he writ, if it might but throw reproach and dirt
enough upon the reforming kings and princes, the reform-
OF KING EDWARD VI. 181
ers and the Reformation. From this man he ventures to CHAP,
take some things that he sets down in his book, scurrilous __1___L
and false : but as for records, registers, manuscript letters,
to improve or justify his history, and to present his readers
with some new things, and unknown before, he offers no-
thing thence.
This for the faults of the history in general. I proceed
now to make some particular remarks and observations
upon some passages in it : yet prefacing this before I begin,
that I do not this out of any prejudice or vainglory, or
love of contention or contradiction, or any other ill end, (for
I know mine own imperfections,) but for the sake of truth
only, and to contribute my poor mite towards the maintain- •
ing of it.
Page 1. Hay ward writes. King Edward was born the The day of
17th day of October, 1537.] Whereas, according to Cooper, b^rti!!'"°^
Stow, Holinshed, the Lord Herbert, and the best histo- First edit.
rians, the 12th, being the eve of St. Edward, was the day of
his birth.
P. eadem. He writes, that all reports constantly ran, that Not cut out
his mother's body was opened for his birth, and that sheti,er's
died of the incision the fourth day following.] This, I make^'°™^'
no question, was a popish invention at first, and the report
soon became current among that party, out of ill-will to King
Henry, to render him cruel, and the Prince his son unluck-
ily born. Sanders, as far as I can see, first gave out the
story, who writes, that when the Queen was in hard labour, 4/2
they asked the King whose life they should save, the Queen's
or the yovmg infant's ; and he answered, " he could very
" easily have more wives." But neither Cooper, in hisEpitome
of Chronicles, nor Hohnshed, nor the Lord Herbert, say a
word of this. And Bishop Burnet mentions original letters
in the Cotton library, that shew how the Queen Avas well
delivered of the Prince, and died in childbed the next day,
or rather, two days after, according to Holinshed and
Herbert, and our other best historians. Those letters are
exemplified by Dr. Fuller in his Church History: the one Book vii.
k3 '¦¦'''''"''
182 MEMORIALS ECCLESIASTICAL
BOOK from the Queen herself, the otlier from her physicians: both
wrote to the Council.
Cox and P. 3, He speaks of the instructors of the young Prince ;
im^'mctors. namely, Dr. Cox and Mr. Cheke.] But he leaves out Sir
Anthony Cook, who was also a great guide of liis learning
and manners in those early years of his.
Moreover, of Cox and Cheke he asserts, tliat they were
of mean birth, and that they might be well said to be born
of themselves.] As for the former, I can say but little; only
that one of both his names, vi::. Richard Cox, was an emi-
nent citizen and skinner of London, and buried at St. Aus-
tin's church, anno 1467, where he had a monument. As
for Cheke, his family was ancient, and of good wealth. I
find one Margaret Cheke under King Richard III. who
granted her a licence to found a chantry, with one priest
in the parish church of Long Ashton, nigh Bristol; Avhich
bespake her a woman of quality and wealth. This Cheke
was sprung from the Chekes of the Isle of Wight: the
antiquity of which family is traced as far upward as
King Richard the Second'^s time, when a Cheke married a
Ecciesiast. daughter of the Lord Mountague's; as Dr. Fuller teaches
us, who also takes notice of this error of our author.
Upon Cheke's learning also he casts a blur, when he says,
that for his other sufficiencies, besides skill in Latin and
Greek, he was pedantic enough, as appears by his books.]
I believe Sir John Hayward saw only three books written
by him, and scarcely them, (no more of his, I think, being
ever published,) v'lr:. his translation of two orations of St.
Chrysostom, that then first saw the light ; his letters to
Bishop Gardiner, concerning the true way of pronouncing
Greek, wrote in Latin ; and his True Subject to the Rebel,
in English ; which no man can depart from the reading of,
but with very high opinion of Chcke's great ingenuity and
learning. He Avas a man of great reading, an excellent
Platonist and philoso})hcr ; one of the first restorers of good
Kpist de.iic. polite learning in Cambridge. Dr. Thomas Wylson, sccre-
Cecyi, be- tary of State to Queen Elizabeth, and his contemporary in
OF KING EDWARD VI. 183
the University, who well knew him, called him, " that rare CHAP.
" learned man, and singular ornament of the land." Much ;_
more might be said of the worth of the man, if this were a fore his
. ° translatioa
place. of Demost.
P. 4. Great preparations were made, after he was nineOrat-
years old, for the creating or declaring him Prince of Wales, f/gjf;",""'*
Duke of Cornwal, and Count Palatine of Chester.] The p. 494.
Lord Herbert writes, this Prince was made so six days after
his birth : at which time there was a creation of two other
earls, viz. the Earls of Hertford and Southampton. But .
this, indeed, Hayward took out of the King's Journal, that
speaks of the great preparations for it when he was about
that age. But he, as doubting of the Prince's creation now, 4/3
added, or declaring him so to be.
Ibid. The Earl of Hertford and Sir Anthony Brown The King,
„ . , __; , whether at
were despatched from the Council, to fetch the Kmg, then Hertford or
lying at Hertford.] This likewise he had from the Journal. Hatfield.
But Holinshed makes the place of the Kings's present resi-
dence now to be, not Hertford, but Hatfield.
P. 6. A few days after the Kings coronation, the Earl The Earl of
1 ^ 1 • nj „Southanip-
of Southampton was not only removed irom his ottice ot ton dis-
chancellor, but from his place and authority in Council.] charged.
This he hath verbatim from Holinshed ; but both he and
his author must be understood warily here, so as not to
mean that he was removed from being a privy counsellor,
but from that authority he had at the board before : for
this Earl was not removed from being a counsellor till the
fourth of the King, at Candlemas, when he and the Earl of
Arundel Avere both put out, as Holinshed himself writes. I*- 1062.
P. 7. He writes, that Archbishop Cranmer was violent Archbishop
with the King, by persuasions and entreaties, to seal the vindicated,
warrant for the execution of Joan Butcher, an Arian : and
by his importunity prevailed with the King, who told the
said Archbishop, he would lay the charge thereof upon him ,
before God. And then the author adds his conjecture here-
upon, that it might be Cranmer''s importunity of blood,
whereby that woman was burnt, that he himself afterwards
felt the smart of fire.] This passage, whether it be true or
N 4
186 MEMORIALS ECCLESIASTICAL
BOOK tion; but the true reason was, because he did not publish
in a sermon the King's authority during his minority, as he
was commanded. But hitherto, having recanted before the
Council, for the ill manner of his receiving the injunctions
and homilies from the King's visitors, he went along with
the King's proceedings, swore obedience to the King, pro-
fessed his assent and consent touching the state of religion
then settled, directed out his letters, according to the Arch-
bishop's precepts for abolishing images, abrogation of the
mass, setting up Bibles in churches, &;c. Neither was Gar-
diner's imprisonment this first year of the King, as this
author asserts, because he preached that it were well these
changes in religion should be stayed till the King were of
years, but for his refractoriness to the King's proceedings.
His second imprisonment indeed was occasioned by a ser-
mon which he preached on St. Peter's day, in the second
year of the King ; not for preaching that the changes in re-
ligion should be stayed, but for omitting to speak of several
matters committed to him in writing, by conunand of the
475 Council : as, concerning the usurped power of the Bishop
of Rome, the superstitions used towards St. Nicolas and
other saints, concerning the authority of the King in his
minority, concerning auricular confession, and some other
things. Hethe was committed for refusing to subscribe the
new book of ordinations. Nor was Hethe now bishop of
Rochester, as our author names him, but of Worcester.
He leaves out Day, bishop of Chichester, whom he might
have mentioned among the rest of the said bishops com-
mitted.
Rfciting P. 47. He holds the setting down acts of Parliament in
acts of Par- jjjg^Q^.y ^q i^q fruitless, and improper for a " true carried
wiiethcr fit " history," as he expresses it ; though he confesseth, a noble
jis ory. ^^^j.jj^pj, ^.f^tcemed it a maim in history not to recite them.]
And surely that noble writer, whoever he were, was right.
And this was the practice of that noble historian the Lord
Herbert, and that complete historian I\lr. Camden. And
certainly that must be but an imperfect history, however
true carried he fancies it, that shall take little or no notice
OF KING EDWARD VI. 187
of the great and public transactions that pass through the chap.
chief and high Council of the nation, consisting of the peers, ^^^^^"'
and wisest and wealthiest of the commons, assembled toge-
ther in their Parliaments.
P. 82. He suggests, that the Lord Sudley dissented from L. Sudiey,
his brother the Duke of Somerset's opinions.] That is, in \^-l^\st.
other words, that he was a Papist. No such thing appears
in history, but rather, that he was of the religion now pro-
fessed and countenanced : for one of his last requests, when
he had the message sent to him to prepare for death, was,
that his daughter might be committed to the care of the
Duchess of Suffolk, a fast Protestant ; and another was, that
Mr. Latymer might be sent to him, to assist him with his
counsel and prayers ; who would not have been a ghostly
father fit for his turn, had he been a Papist.
Ibid. He makes the first cause of dissolving the knot of His fail,
the two brothers'' love, viz. of the Duke and the Lord Ad-
miral, to proceed from the Duchess : and that she rubbed
into the Duke's dull capacity/, as he unhandsomely reflects
on that great peer, that his brother sought to take away his
hfe, and to attain his place.] And,
P. 83. That the Duke at length yielding himself to her. The Duke
did devise his brother's destruction. And that being con- ^J'^yt'lt^
demned by act of Parliament, within a few days after, a
warrant was sent under his brother's hand for his execution.
And lastly, that the accusations against him consisted of
frivolous or pitiful matters.] By all this account of this
lord's fall, he is represented to have come unjustly by his
death, by the unnatural acting of his brother against him :
and that he was set on to all this mischief, like a weak man,
by his wife. This, if it were true, layeth a most heavy im-
putation upon the Duke : but surely he was no such man
as he is here delivered down to be : he had better morals
and more religion than this came to. The Admiral was
certainly an evil man, turbulent, and full of ambitious de-
signs, from the beginning of this King's reign. And his
brother the Duke did often advise him, and earnestly dis-
188 MEMORIALS ECCLESIASTICAL
BOOK suade him from his dangerous courses, and used all the
II- fairest means with him, pardoning what was past, and (that
he might meet with his high mind) gratifying him with
possessions, and the high and honourable office of lord ad-
miral. Yet was he continually practising after this; he
4^(5 raised soldiers, and threatened lie xcoidd make the blackest
Purl'iament that ever teas in England. He is suspected to
have poisoned his Avife, that excellent woman Queen Ka-
tharine, that, being single, he might make his addresses to
the Lady Elizabeth, the King's sister. So that, in fine, the
Parliament did judge these things to be a traitorous aspir-
ing to the crown. And surely Sir John Hayward had never
read the act of Parliament, whereby that Lord was at-
tainted, to term his accusations to hej'rivolons or jvt'iful
matters. But I refer the reader to the fifteenth chapter of
these Memorials, for further satisfaction about the justice of
this lord's death. Indeed it doth appear, that his brother,
with the rest of the Council, signed the warrant for his exe-
cution. But I am so far from believing that his death was
acceptable to him, that surely it was a thing went very near
him, out of that natural love and affection that he ever
shewed to have had for him.
And verily all this is the less to be credited, viz. the
controversy between the two wives for precedency, and the
Duchess of Somerset's setting her husband upon this mis-
chief, because it is taken from lying Sanders, or, at the best,
from vulgar report.
TheAdii.i -^^^^^ ^^^ spcaks of the Admiral's protestation at the
rai's ill life, point of his death ; and that the open course and carriage
of his life cleared him in the opinion of many.] What his
protestations were, I know not, nor do I know any history
that relates them ; any more than that Stow writ, that he
took it on his death, that he had never committed nor
meant treason to the King or realm. The contrary to which
his deeds declared ; and he confessed himself, in the Tower,
Dostları ilə paylaş: |